MODERN  POLITICAL 
TENDENCIES 


BY  THEODORE  E.  BURTON 


MODERN   POLITICAL  TENDENCIES 

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Modern  Political  Tendencies 
By  THEODORE  E.  BURTON 


THEODORE  E.  BURTON 


MODERN    POLITICAL 
TENDENCIES 


AND  THE  EFFECT  OF 
THE    WAR    THEREON 


BY 
THEODORE  E.  BURTON 


PRINCETON  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
PRINCETON 

LONDON :  HUMPHREY  MILFORD 

OXFORD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

1919 


Copyright,  1919,  by 

PRINCETON  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

Princeton,  N.  J. 

Published,  1919 
Printed  in  the  United  States  of  America 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

GENERAL  FACTS 1 

SPECIFIC  POLITICAL  TENDENCIES 14 

The  Growth  of  Popular  Government 15 

The  Changing  Relations  of  the  State  to  the 

Activities  of  the  Individual £0 

Humanitarian  Tendencies    28 

The  Growth  of  the  Spirit  of  Nationality.  .  31 

TENDENCIES   TOWARD   CENTRALIZATION   AND   A 

LARGER  NATIONAL  LIFE 33 

OBJECTIONABLE  OR  DANGEROUS  TENDENCIES.  . .  36 

RELATION  OF  THE  PRESIDENT  TO  CONGRESS  ....  65 

IMPORTANT  POLITICAL  TENDENCIES  AFTER  THE 

WAR 69 

NEW  RELATIONS  OF  GOVERNMENTS  TO  THE  AC- 
TIVITIES OF  THE  PEOPLE 78 

Humanitarian  Tendencies r  .  .  .  88 

The  National  Spirit 90 

Centralization    91 

TENDENCIES  TOWARD  REMOVAL  OF  INEQUALITIES 

IN  CONDITIONS — SOCIALISM    . 93 

INCREASING  TAXES  AND  THEIR  UTILIZATION  FOR 

THE  EQUALIZATION  OF  CONDITIONS 100 

THE  RESULT  OF  WAR  UPON  POLITICAL  TENDEN- 
CIES IN  THE  UNITED  STATES 109 

THE  INTERNATIONAL  OUTLOOK 113 


43541G 


MODERN  POLITICAL  TENDENCIES 

GENERAL  FACTS 

Dominant  political  tendencies  centre  around 
four  important  questions  of  fundamental  im- 
portance. 

1.  The  relation  of  governments  to  the  gov- 
erned.   For  illustration,  is  the  system  one  of 
autocratic  or  of  popular  rule? 

2.  The  relation  of  the  governed  each  to  the 
other.    Are  there  privileged  classes,  or  is  the 
aim  to  secure  the  greatest  possible  equality  of 
rights  and  opportunities? 

3.  The  relation  of  the  central  government 
to  its  constituent  parts.     Is  there  a  loosely 
joined  confederation  or  a  strongly  centralized 
organization?    For  seventy-five  years  this  was 
a  principal  source  of  controversy  in  the  United 
States. 


2  Modern  Political   Tendencies 

4.  International  relations.  The  dividing 
line  between  the  relations  of  the  first  and  sec- 
ond classes  is  often  a  shadowy  one.  In  recent 
years  the  question  of  the  relation  of  the  gov- 
ernment to  the  governed  has  assumed  greater 
prominence  in  countries  of  virtually  autocratic 
rule,  like  Russia  or  Germany,  while  the  second, 
that  of  the  governed  each  to  the  other,  has  been 
more  prominent  in  countries  of  liberal  institu- 
tions such  as  the  United  States,  Great  Brit- 
ain, and  France.  Manifestly,  the  fourth 
question,  that  of  international  relations,  is  now 
attracting  much  mopre  general  consideration 
than  formerly.  Shall  the  position  of  a  coun- 
try be  one  of  isolation?  Do  its  international 
policies  look  to  aggression  and  repulsion  or  to 
goodwill  and  cooperation? 

Political  tendencies  have  certain  well  de- 
fined characteristics  and  have  to  do  with  an 
almost  infinite  variety  of  proposed  changes  or 
reforms,  the  agitation  for  which  may  continue 
for  a  decade,  a  generation,  or  even  for  a  cen- 
tury. During  these  periods  certain  issues  are 
constantly  under  discussion,  such  as  the  pow- 


Modern  Political  Tendencies  3 

ers  and  relations  of  the  Executive,  ministerial 
responsibility,  the  functions  of  the  legislative 
and  judicial  branches,  the  right  of  suffrage  for 
men  and  women,  the  extent  to  which  the  State 
shall  exercise  control  over  the  activities  and 
conduct  of  its  people.  Of  late  certain  social 
questions  which  are  inseparably  interlaced 
with  political  tendencies  have  attracted  almost 
preeminent  attention.  In  the  course  of  time 
these  tendencies  attain  their  fulfilment,  entire 
or  partial,  or  disappear.  Demands  for  exten- 
sion of  the  suffrage  have  secured  perhaps  more 
uniform  and  general  response  than  any  other 
political  movement.  This  has  been  conspicu- 
ously illustrated  in  England  and  in  the  United 
States.  The  right  to  vote  when  once  acquired 
is  seldom  revoked  or  limited.  The  recent 
movement  for  suffrage  for  women  attained 
success  more  rapidly  than  the  earlier  agitation 
for  the  enlargement  of  the  privilege  for  men. 
In  the  midst  of  the  longer  movements  which 
pertain  to  problems  which  are  strictly  of  a  po- 
litical character,  other  controversies  frequently 
arise  which  partially  eclipse  the  main  tenden- 


4  Modern  Political   Tendencies 

cies  or  displace  them  for  a  time.  An  illustra- 
tion may  be  found  in  our  own  country  in  the 
Prohibition  movement.  The  constant  agita- 
tion for  change  is  prompted  not  merely  by  an 
earnest  desire  for  the  adoption  of  conceptions 
of  right  and  equality  which  are  regarded  as 
universal  in  their  nature,  but  by  the  neces- 
sity for  new  or  improved  political  relations 
which  shall  square  with  constantly  developing 
changes  in  social  and  material  conditions. 

Reactions  against  political  tendencies  or 
movements  are  almost  sure  to  occur.  Re- 
formers and  agitators  reach  the  summit  of 
their  hopes,  and  then  failing  in  popular  sup- 
port fall  back  and  rest  midway  between  the 
starting  point  and  the  goal  which  they  sought 
to  reach.  These  reactions  resemble  the  cycli- 
cal movements  so  familiar  in  the  alternate  sea- 
sons of  activity  and  depression  in  the  commer- 
cial and  financial  world  and  in  the  course  of 
prices.  The  alternate  control  of  opposing  po- 
litical parties  affords  the  most  familiar  exam- 
ple. In  the  later  years  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury the  Liberal  and  Conservative  parties  in 


Modern  Political  Tendencies  5 

England  succeeded  each  other  in  the  House  of 
Commons  practically  without  exception.  In 
the  election  of  1868  the  Liberals  were  success- 
ful; in  that  of  1874,  the  Conservatives;  in  1880 
the  Liberals,  who  were  retained  in  power  after 
the  election  of  1885  as  the  result  of  a  combin- 
ation; in  1886  the  Conservatives  won;  in  1892 
the  Liberals;  and  in  1895,  the  Conservatives 
again  returned  to  power.  The  history  of  the 
United  States  is  replete  with  illustrations.  Be- 
ginning more  than  ninety  years  ago  with  the 
administration  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  at  a 
time  when  party  lines  began  to  be  more  sharp- 
ly defined,  the  strength  of  the  national  admin- 
istration in  the  House  of  Representatives  has 
in  every  case  been  greater  at  the  presidential 
election  than  in  the  mid-presidential  election 
two  years  later.  For  example,  Franklin 
Pierce  was  elected  President  in  1852  with  an 
overwhelming  majority  in  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives. In  the  Congress  chosen  two 
years  later  his  opponents  elected  the  Speaker. 
Other  notable  illustrations  are  found  in  the 
second  terms  of  Presidents  Grant  and  Cleve- 


6  Modem  Political  Tendencies 

land,  and  in  the  administration  of  President 
Harrison.  There  can  be  no  more  striking  ex- 
ample of  this  tendency  to  reaction  than  that 
afforded  by  the  Congressional  election  in  No- 
vember 1918.  Notwithstanding  the  prestige 
of  President  Wilson,  the  anticipation  of  an 
early  peace  which  was  emphasized  by  the 
announcement  of  an  armistice  with  Austria- 
Hungary  on  the  day  before  the  voters  went 
to  the  polls,  a  favorable  majority  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  was  changed  to 
an  adverse  one.  Practically  no  tariff  bill 
has  been  passed  for  half  a  century  without  a 
loss  of  political  strength  to  the  party  adopt- 
ing it.  A  President  of  the  United  States  once 
essayed  to  fix  a  definite  period  after  which  re- 
actionary forces  would  become  effective  against 
him.  He  mentioned  eighteen  months  after  his 
inauguration.  By  that  time  the  glamour  of 
the  office  would  have  in  a  measure  fallen  off. 
Grievances  would  have  accumulated;  office 
seekers  who  had  expected  much  and  gained 
little,  would  be  disappointed.  False  friends 
would  have  deserted  him;  and  all  these  factors 


Modern  Political  Tendencies  7 

would  tend  to  turn  the  current  against  the 
head  of  the  government. 

This  tendency  to  reaction  is  accepted  as  a 
phenomenon,  but  it  has  often  been  regarded 
as  mysterious  and  the  explanation  has  been 
sought  by  some  in  a  study  of  psychology. 
There  is,  in  fact,  no  real  mystery.  There  are 
potent  and  ever-present  causes  which  prevent 
continuous  control  by  a  political  organization 
or  the  uninterrupted  development  of  political 
reforms. 

First,  there  exists  in  every  country  having 
popular  institutions,  radical  and  conservative 
types.  These  two  extremes  with  varying 
shades  of  opinion,  not  only  appear  in  the  aggre- 
gate citizenship,  but  among  members  of  poli- 
tical parties  made  up  of  those  who  are  united 
upon  certain  underlying  principles.  Between 
these  there  is  a  clash  of  conflicting  ideas  caus- 
ing an  ebb  and  flow  in  the  evolution  of  every 
political  tendency.  Usually  an  intermediate 
level  is  found  to  which  a  substantial  majority 
will  give  steady  adherence.  Another  reason 
for  the  cyclical  movement  is,  broadly  speaking, 


8  Modern  Political  Tendencies 

the  difference  between  anticipation  and  real- 
ity. There  is  always  difficulty  in  putting  ab- 
stract conceptions  into  the  form  of  concrete 
propositions,  or,  to  describe  it  otherwise,  to 
embody  theories  in  practice.  That  which  may 
seem  to  hold  out  the  hope  of  beneficient  results, 
when  tried  proves  to  be  altogether  disappoint- 
ing. Again,  responsibility  and  the  framing 
and  operation  of  constructive  measures  impose 
far  more  serious  difficulties  than  mere  criticism 
or  opposition.  The  promises  of  political  plat- 
forms are  not  subject  to  the  same  limitations 
as  the  actions  of  those  entrusted  with  authority. 
After  taking  into  account  all  these  facts  there 
is  the  psychological  effect  of  human  fickleness 
which  oftentimes  stands  in  the  way  of  the  or- 
derly accomplishment  of  beneficient  reforms. 
Liberalizing  political  tendencies  follow, 
though  more  slowly,  and  sometimes  quite  tar- 
dily, scientific  development  and  the  diffusion 
of  knowledge.  We  may  instance  such  events 
as  the  Italian  Renaissance,  the  discovery  of 
America,  the  invention  of  printing,  the  in- 
crease of  productive  power  by  the  application 


Modern  Political  Tendencies  9 

of  steam  and  by  the  harnessing  of  electricity. 
The  effect  of  these  discoveries  and  inventions 
in  promoting  a  broader  outlook  for  humanity 
and  more  liberal  institutions  can  hardly  be  ex- 
aggerated. In  every  great  epoch  in  which  the 
human  race  has  made  advance  in  its  political 
life,  we  can  discover  as  an  antecedent  some  for- 
ward movement  in  science  or  in  knowledge. 
There  have  been  numerous  illustrations.  If 
we  group  together  the  three  reigns  of  Queen 
Elizabeth,  James  I,  and  Charles  I,  the  fact  is 
recognized  that  Queen  Elizabeth  was  a  most 
popular  sovereign,  though  arbitrary,  while 
King  Charles  I,  who  sought  to  rule  with  no 
greater  degree  of  personal  prerogative,  was 
beheaded.  To  many  this  contrast  in  the  at- 
titude of  the  people  toward  the  two  sov- 
ereigns mentioned,  seems  disconnected  and 
fortuitous,  but  it  was  really  a  logical  se- 
quence. The  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth 
witnessed  a  great  intellectual  awakening. 
It  was  the  golden  age  of  Shakespeare  and 
Spenser  and  Ben  Jonson,  and  of  Burghley, 
Sidney  and  Raleigh;  the  day  when  England 


10          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

took  a  new  position  among  the  nations  because 
of  the  triumph  over  the  Spanish  Armada.  Her 
reign  was  followed  by  that  of  James  I,  in 
which  an  even  greater  contribution  perhaps  was 
made  to  progress  in  the  publication  by  Fran- 
cis Bacon  of  the  theory  of  Inductive  Philo- 
sophy. Science  which  theretofore  had  been 
sporadic  in  its  application,  sometimes  a  sort 
of  plaything,  became  an  agency  for  the  utiliza- 
tion of  physical  forces  and  materials  for  the 
benefit  of  mankind.  As  a  result,  in  the  time  of 
King  Charles  I,,  the  people  had  a  broader 
vision  and  asked  more  for  themselves,  and  that 
their  relations  to  the  State  be  more  clearly  de- 
fined. Thus  the  sovereign  who  tried  to  be  as 
arbitrary  as  had  been  the  Tudor  sovereign  was 
not  only  dethroned  but  beheaded  as  well. 

We  may  find  in  the  career  of  Mr.  Webster 
an  illustration  of  this  same  dependency  of  po- 
litical upon  scientific  progress.  This  state- 
ment is  not  intended  to  detract  one  iota  from 
his  deserved  fame  as  a  statesman  or  as  a  law- 
yer, but  he  was  a  mighty  protagonist  swim- 
ming with  the  tide.  At  the  time  when  he  de- 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          11 

livered  his  reply  to  Hayne  in  January  1830, 
the  country  was  in  the  midst  of  a  remarkable 
era  of  progress.  The  great  period  of  railway 
construction  had  already  begun,  canals  had 
been  constructed  and  were  in  operation  upon 
an  increasing  scale,  improvements  in  the  print- 
ing press  made  the  dissemination  of  informa- 
tion much  wider  and  more  general.  Fourteen 
years  later  the  magnetic  telegraph  was  intro- 
duced and  was  destined  to  bring  remote  por- 
tions of  the  country  nearer  to  each  other.  The 
result  of  this  combination  of  progressive  fac- 
tors was  that  the  States  of  the  Union  were 
brought  into  relations  as  close  as  had  been  that 
of  the  counties  in  the  time  when  Jeff erson  was 
President.  Improyed  means  of  communica- 
tion and  for  the  diffusion  of  information  are 
a  great  stimulus  to  popular  government.  A 
democracy  without  ready  access  from  one  por- 
tion to  another  is  hardly  possible  except  over  a 
very  limited  area.  All  these  influences  which 
were  contemporaneous  with  Mr.  Webster's 
career  promoted  unity,  and  but  for  them  that 
splendid  expression  of  his,  "Liberty  and  Union 


12          Modern  Political  Tendencies 

now  and  forever,  one  and  inseparable,"  might 
have  been  the  dream  of  an  idealist. 

There  are  manifest  reasons  why  political 
progress  should  be  slower  than  social  or  eco- 
nomic progress.  In  most  of  the  physical  sci- 
ences exact  results  can  be  reached,  but  govern- 
ment is  a  field  in  which  a  constantly  present 
feature  is  that  of  experiment  and  trial.  The 
power  and  prestige  of  rulers  and  favored 
classes  often  afford  obstacles  in  the  path  of  the 
reformer.  Precedent  and  a  natural  reluctance 
to  change  always  stand  in  the  way.  This  is 
true  in  monarchies  and  republics  alike.  The 
history  of  England  from  the  year  1800  to  the 
passage  of  the  Reform  Bill  of  1832,  affords 
an  excellent  illustration.  It  was  a  period  of 
unprecedented  material  progress  in  which  that 
industrial  organization  was  developed  which 
established  upon  sure  and  permanent  founda- 
tions the  future  of  manufacturing  and  trade  in 
England.  It  was,  however,  a  period  of  politi- 
cal stagnation,  though  attended  at  the  close  by 
earnest,  and,  for  a  long  time,  unsuccessful  agi- 
tation for  reforms.  The  steady  advance  of 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          13 

liberalism  did  not  begin  until  the  passage  of  the 
Reform  Act  of  1832. 

Lastly,  among  the  influences  which  have  to 
do  with  political  tendencies,  war  must  be  men- 
tioned. Usually,  wars,  whether  foreign  or 
civil,  are  but  the  outcome  of  pent  up  aspira- 
tions which  have  been  long  suppressed.  They 
may  arise  from  conflicting  claims  of  country 
or  of  race,  and  presumably  are  not  a  matter  of 
chance;  they  often  cause  a  mighty  convulsion 
followed  by  political  and  social  reorganization. 
It  is  not  merely  the  victory  of  any  nation  or 
nations  which  creates  new  conditions,  but  the 
development  of  new  conceptions  and  ideas 
which  are  aroused  or  quickened  by  the  thrilling 
events  of  the  time.  There  are  potent  reasons 
for  such  results.  During  the  conflict  every 
nerve  is  strained  for  victory.  There  is  a  de- 
mand for  the  highest  possible  standards  of  effi- 
ciency in  organization  and  cooperation.  Pa- 
triotism and  a  spirit  of  self-sacrifice  are  stimu- 
lated in  a  manner  quite  impossible  in  time  of 
peace.  In  a  considerable  degree  there  is  a 
leveling  of  distinctions  between  different 


14          Modern  Political  Tendencies 

classes  and  ranks  of  society.  All  these  factors 
have  their  effect  when  the  conflict  is  over. 
There  are  new  inspirations  which  stimulate  ac- 
tion and  are  the  parent  of  great  results.  It  is 
inevitable  that  the  more  potent  energies  which 
are  developed  in  the  contest  for  victory  should 
survive  and  show  their  effects  in  the  succeed- 
ing years.  Thus,  many  times  political  changes 
have  been  accomplished  during  and  immedi- 
ately after  wars  which  would  have  required 
scores  of  years  in  time  of  peace. 


SPECIFIC  POLITICAL  TENDENCIES 

Having  made  these  general  suggestions,  it 
is  desirable  to  take  up  those  tendencies  which 
stand  out  most  prominently,  and  for  the  ade- 
quate treatment  of  the  subject  it  is  necessary 
to  consider  separately  those  which  were  most 
apparent  up  to  the  year  1914,  the  date  of  the 
beginning  of  the  world  war.  Among  these 
may  be  mentioned: 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          15 


THE  GROWTH  OF  POPULAR  GOVERNMENT 

The  demand  for  increasing  participation  of 
the  individual  in  public  aff airs  was  in  evidence 
the  world  over.    The  prerogatives  of  kings  and 
emperors  were  declining  and  the  private  citizen 
was  asserting  himself.    Since  the  beginning  of 
this  twentieth  century  there  have  been  numer- 
ous illustrations  of  these  tendencies,  and  in 
many  respects  the  progress  of  liberalism  was 
as  notable  in  the  fourteen  years  immediately 
preceding  the  commencement  of  the  war  as  in 
the  whole  of  the  one  hundred  years  up  to  1900, 
notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  nineteenth 
has  been  aptly  styled  the  greatest  of  the  cen- 
turies.   In  Europe  Portugal  became  a  repub- 
lic.    The  head  of  a  prominent  kingdom  re- 
marked to  Ex-President  Roosevelt,  in  earnest 
rather  than  in  jest,  that  he  intended  to  train 
his  son,  the  Crown  Prince,  so  that  he  might  be 
fitted  to  become  president  of  a  republic,  as  he 
thought  that  form  of  government  was  sure  to 
be  adopted.    In  every  country  of  Europe  there 


16          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

were  insistent  demands  for  ministerial  respon- 
sibility where  it  had  not  existed.  The  Young 
Turks  disappointed  Europe  and  the  world,  but 
they  gained  power  by  the  promise  of  responsi- 
ble ministers  and  a  more  liberal  government. 
The  three  Scandinavian  countries,  together 
with  Holland  and  Belgium  (of  them  all, 
Denmark  is,  perhaps,  the  most  advanced  de- 
mocracy) ,  were  constantly  increasing  the  meas- 
ure of  popular  control  and  limiting  the  pow- 
ers of  their  sovereigns  to  a  mere  position  of 
formal  headship.  In  England  propositions  of 
an  almost  revolutionary  bent  were  adopted  or 
were  pending.  The  House  of  Lords  was  vir- 
tually shorn  of  its  power.  Demands  for  uni- 
versal suffrage  for  both  men  and  women  were 
vigorously  asserted.  Measures  for  taxation 
were  devised  which  looked  to  an  equalization 
of  social  conditions.  There  was  a  recognition 
of  the  rights  and  opportunities  of  workingmen 
far  in  advance  of  previous  years.  In  Russia 
the  legislative  body  known  as  the  Duma,  was 
established  in  the  year  1906,  crude  at  first,  but 
although  granted  reluctantly  by  the  sovereign 


Modern  Political  Tendencies         17 

with  the  apparent  expectation  that  its  powers 
would  be  nullified  or  minimized,  it  gave  prom- 
ise of  representative  institutions.  Another 
important  change  was  made  in  Russia  in  the 
same  year  under  which  the  Imperial  Council, 
formerly  appointed  exclusively  by  the  sov- 
ereign, was  divided  into  two  classes  of  equal 
number,  one  of  which  was  to  be  chosen  directly 
or  indirectly  by  the  people. 

Passing  on  to  Asia:  in  Persia  in  the  year 
1906,  the  Shah  responded  to  the  demand  of  the 
people  for  popular  institutions  and  gave  his 
consent  for  the  establishment  of  a  National 
Council.  This  newly  created  body  enjoyed 
only  a  temporary  existence,  but  the  people  suc- 
ceeded in  1907  in  obtaining  rural  and  town 
councils  to  be  chosen  by  universal  suffrage. 
In  India,  the  land  of  caste  and  of  entire  sub- 
mission to  British  rule,  the  local  councils  which 
formerly  consisted  of  six  members  were  en- 
larged to  sixty-six,  twenty-five  of  whom  are 
to  be  elected  by  the  people.  Most  notable  of 
all,  China,  the  seat  of  conservatism  since  the 
world  began,  became  a  republic.  It  is  by  no 


18          Mo&ern  Political   Tendencies 

means  certain  that  the  changes  to  popular  rule 
which  have  occurred  before  and  during  the  war 
will  result  in  stable,  representative  goverti- 
ment  in  every  country.  Very  probably  peo- 
ples which  have  taken  on  democratic  institu- 
tions after  gaining  liberty  from  long  standing 
tyranny  will  go  to  extremes  for  a  time.  The 
reign  of  radicalism  which  has  spread  widely 
will,  no  doubt,  be  checked  by  the  inevitable 
reaction.  The  dangers  incident  to  a  sudden 
transition  from  autocratic  to  popular  rule  have 
at  no  time  been  more  forcibly  expressed  than 
by  our  honored  President,  Woodrow  Wilson, 
in  his  lectures  on  Constitutional  Government, 
in  which  he  says: 

"Self-government  is  not  a  mere  form  of  in- 
stitutions, to  be  had  when  desired,  if  only  pro- 
per pains  be  taken.  It  is  a  form  of  character.  It 
follows  upon  the  long  discipline  which  gives  a 
people  self-possession,  self-mastery,  the  habit 
of  order  and  peace  and  common  counsel,  and  a 
reverence  for  law  which  will  not  fail  when  they 
themselves  become  the  makers  of  law:  the 
steadiness  and  self-control  of  political  matur- 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          19 

ity.    And  these  things  cannot  be  had  without 
long  discipline." 

Closely  associated  with  the  growth  of  popu- 
lar government  on  familiar  lines,  is  the  demand 
for  larger  individual  participation  by  the  peo- 
ple in  public  affairs,  as  instanced  by  move- 
ments for  the  direct  primary,  the  referendum 
and  the  initiative.  These  demands  have  been 
especially  prominent  in  Switzerland,  in  several 
British  Dominions  and  in  numerous  States  in 
this  country.  The  strength  of  the  movement 
in  national  politics  has  been  illustrated  by  the 
adoption  of  a  constitutional  amendment  for 
the  popular  election  of  senators.  It  cannot 
be  said  that  these  tendencies  have  yet  reached 
their  final  manifestation  in  this  country,  but 
we  may  be  confident  they  will  not  cause  the 
havoc  which  their  conservative  opponents  fear, 
nor  will  they  accomplish  the  far-reaching  ad- 
vantages which  their  advocates  have  asserted. 
If  there  is  any  one  who  believes  it  possible  to 
reform  human  nature  or  to  change  the  charac- 
ter of  our  citizenship  and  its  standards  by  new 
political  methods  or  by  legislation,  he  might  as 


20          Modern  Political  Tendencies 

well  dismiss  his  arguments  for  silly  season  dis- 
cussion. The  really  determinative  factors  in 
public  affairs  lie  deeper  than  the  initiative,  the 
referendum  and  the  primary,  and  are  to  be 
found  in  the  despotism  of  popular  opinion,  the 
ideals,  the  traditions  of  the  people,  the  willing- 
ness or  unwillingness  of  the  citizen  to  sacrifice 
his  personal  interest  and  to  devote  a  reasonable 
share  of  his  time  and  effort  to  the  good  of  the 
state.  If  there  are  high  standards  in  these  re- 
gards we  shall  have  good  laws,  whether  they  are 
enacted  by  state  legislatures  at  the  state  capi- 
tals, or  by  a  popular  vote  under  the  initiative. 
Officials  of  competency  and  honesty  will  be 
named  whether  at  the  primary  or  in  the  party 
convention. 


THE  CHANGING  RELATIONS  OF  THE  STATE  TO 
THE  ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  INDIVIDUAL 

In  the  middle  of  the  last  century  the  doctrine 
of  laissez  f  aire  prevailed  in  England,  and  was 
strongly  supported  in  the  United  States  and 
other  countries.  It  was  a  widely  accepted  doc- 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          21 

trine  that  the  best  method  for  each  government 
was  to  restrict  its  authority  over  individuals  to 
the  protection  of  their  rights  and  the  punish- 
ment of  wrongs,  and  to  defence  against  for- 
eign aggression.  The  most  thorough  discus- 
sion of  this  subject  occurred  in  England. 
Jeremy  Bentham,  a  reformer  and  a  radical  of 
wide  influence,  was  a  pioneer  in  support  of  the 
laissez  f  aire  principle  as  an  application  of  util- 
itarian ideas  of  the  greatest  good  to  the  great- 
est number.  He  advocated  the  utmost  free- 
dom in  trade.  One  of  his  sayings  was,  "All 
that  industry  and  commerce  ask  of  the  state  is 
that  which  Diogenes  asked  of  Alexander, 
'Keep  out  of  my  sunshine5."  Freedom  of  con- 
tract, absolute  control  by  the  individual  of  his 
own  actions,  provided  he  did  not  commit  wrong 
which  was  worthy  of  punishment;  these  were 
his  cherished  views  and  they  were  adopted  and 
developed  by  an  imposing  array  of  economists 
and  publicists  who  followed  him.  Mr.  John 
Stuart  Mill  said,  that  the  only  purpose  for 
which  power  can  be  rightly  exerted  over  any 
member  of  a  civilized  community  against  his 


22          Modern  Political  Tendencies 

will,  was  to  prevent  harm  to  others.  His  own 
good,  physical  or  moral,  was  not  sufficient  war- 
rant for  governmental  interference.  The  only 
part  of  his  conduct  for  which  he  was  respon- 
sible to  society  was  that  which  directly  con- 
cerned others.  Mr.  Macaulay  said  that  gov- 
ernment had  best  undertake  little  else  than 
strictly  political  duties.  Mr.  Buckle  was  much 
more  pronounced  in  his  views,  and  said  that  the 
proper  aim  of  government  was  not  to  do  some- 
thing new,  but  to  undo  something  old;  it  was 
rather  to  untangle  and  remove  the  effect  of 
the  mistakes  which  had  been  made  by  prior 
governments.  In  our  own  country  Thomas 
Jefferson  regarded  individualism  as  one  of  the 
cornerstones  of  political  organization. 

The  changing  relation  of  the  individual  to 
the  state  cannot  by  any  means  be  entirely  as- 
cribed to  humanitarian  considerations  or  to  a 
different  opinion  as  to  the  proper  scope  of  in- 
dividual activities.  It  is  in  large  measure 
traceable  to  changing  conditions;  the  remark- 
able growth  of  cities,  the  increased  complexity 
of  modern  life,  the  factory  system,  the  sanitary 


Modern  Political  Tendencies         23 

and  other  dangers  which  lurk  in  great  aggre- 
gations of  population.  It  is  a  singular  fact  in 
regard  to  laws  for  the  alleviation  of  labor  con- 
ditions and  for  shorter  hours,  that  the  earlier 
statutes  in  England  were  enacted  by  the  Tor- 
ies. Brougham,  Cobden,  Bright,  and  Glad- 
stone, and  other  leading  Liberals,  were  such 
strenuous  advocates  of  laissez  faire  that  they 
did  not,  at  the  time  of  the  earlier  discussions, 
believe  in  exercising  governmental  control  over 
the  relations  of  employer  and  employee.  Such 
questions,  they  maintained,  should  be  left  to 
private  contract.  John  Bright  was  the  bitter- 
est opponent  of  this  class  of  legislation.  Cob- 
den  was  somewhat  less  strenuous  in  his  opposi- 
tion. But  with  the  phenomenal  increase  of 
manufacturing  and  a  recognition  of  the  piti- 
able condition  of  many  of  the  workers  in  fac- 
tories and  coal  mines,  it  became  manifest  that 
sanitary  regulations  and  limitations  of  hours 
were  essential  for  the  general  good.  In  this 
connection  it  may  be  said  that  laws  for  improv- 
ing the  status  of  toilers  have  their  natural  basis 
in  an  evolution  in  industry.  There  was  a  time 


24          Modern  Political  Tendencies 

when  the  great  majority  of  men  and  women 
were  compelled  to  work  from  early  morning 
until  late  at  night  for  the  mere  means  of  sub- 
sistence. With  the  progress  of  invention,  with 
machinery  as  a  substitute  for  hand  labor,  the 
furnishing  of  the  necessaries  of  life  is  very 
much  easier  than  it  was,  and  it  is  possible  to 
add  to  these  necessaries  a  constantly  increas- 
ing supply  of  conveniences  and  luxuries.  As 
a  result  it  is  not  required  that  manual  labor 
should  be  so  constant  or  so  strenuous.  We 
should  not  withhold  due  praise  from  those  who 
have  been  pioneers  in  advocating  legislation 
for  the  betterment  of  labor,  but  these  laws  are 
for  the  most  part  the  natural  development  of 
progressive  factors  which  are  made  possible  by 
the  achievements  of  science  and  by  superior 
knowledge. 

The  doctrine  of  non-interference  has  grad- 
ually given  way  to  the  idea  that  society  is  one 
great  whole,  and  it  is  strenuously  maintained 
by  many  that  the  growth  and  strength  of  gov- 
ernments should  not  proceed  from  the  individ- 
ual to  the  centre,  but  should  go  out  from  the 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          25 

centre  toward  the  circumference;  that  every 
citizen  is  the  ward  of  the  state  and  that  a  de- 
gree of  parental  control  should  be  exercised 
over  him.  Thus  the  activities,  the  conduct,  the 
contracts  of  all  citizens,  high  or  low,  rich  or 
poor,  are  fit  subjects  for  legislation  by  the 
state,  and  the  state  will  not  perform  its  proper 
functions  or  attain  its  most  useful  position 
without  legislation  which  shall  define  the  rela- 
tions of  classes  to  each  other,  and  exercise  su- 
pervision over  the  people  for  the  purpose  of 
promoting  the  general  welfare. 

The  doctrine  of  laissez  f  aire  was  discredited 
by  rulers  and  political  leaders  in  Germany. 
Bismarck  said  it  meant  that  "he  who  couldn't 
stand  up  should  be  knocked  down."  And  again, 
it  meant  "to  him  that  hath  shall  be  given,  and 
from  him  that  hath  not  shall  be  taken  away 
even  that  which  he  hath."  The  recently  de- 
throned dynasty  in  Germany,  and  theretofore 
in  Prussia,  manifested  an  earnest  solicitude  for 
the  welfare  of  the  poorer  classes.  The  Em- 
peror William  I  said  that  the  strength  of  the 
State  was  allied  with  the  well-being  of  the  com- 


26          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

mon  people.  The  Imperial  Minister  of  the  In- 
terior once  stated  that  the  vast  industrial  ex- 
pansion of  the  German  Empire  was  chiefly  due 
to  the  efficiency  of  its  workers,  and  that  such 
efficiency  must  have  suffered  had  not  the  State 
secured  to  the  working  classes  by  social  legisla- 
lation  a  tolerable  standard  of  life,  and,  as  far 
as  possible,  guaranteed  to  them  physical  health. 
Numerous  statutes  discrediting  the  princi- 
ple of  laissez  f  aire  and  most  of  them  intended 
for  the  benefit  of  the  working  classes,  were 
adopted  in  England  after  the  accession  of  the 
Liberals  to  power  in  1906.  The  first  statute  of 
prominence  was  the  Trades  Act  of  1906,  under 
which  neither  masters  nor  employees  organ- 
ized in  unions  or  associations  can  be  held  re- 
sponsible for  tortuous  acts.  Next  was  the  Old 
Age  Pensions  Act  of  1908.  An  argument  for 
this  statute  based  upon  expediency,  was  that 
many  elderly  people  could  not  earn  enough  to 
keep  them  out  of  the  poorhouse,  who,  never- 
theless, if  granted  a  small  pension  could  piece 
out  their  earnings  and  prevent  them  from  be- 
coming a  public  charge.  About  the  same  time 


Modern  Political   Tendencies          27 

the  Education  Act  was  adopted  which  con- 
tained a  provision  for  the  furnishing  of  a  cer- 
tain number  of  meals  for  the  children  of  in- 
digent parents.  The  Insurance  Act  of  1911 
sought  to  secure  two  objects.  First,  insurance 
against  loss  from  ill-health  and  provision  for 
the  attendance  of  doctors;  second,  insurance 
against  non-employment  in  certain  trades  by 
a  requirement  that  payments  be  made  to  those 
out  of  employment.  Employment  bureaus 
were  organized  under  the  control  of  the  State. 
The  Trades  Union  Act  of  1913  allowed  the 
funds  of  the  trade  unions  to  be  used  for  the 
furtherance  of  political  objects  under  the  di- 
rection of  officers  of  the  union.  Prior  to  the 
passage  of  this  statute,  these  officers  had  sought 
to  apply  their  funds  to  promote  the  chances 
of  friendly  political  candidates.  A  member 
sought  an  injunction  and  obtained  it.  This 
Act  was  then  passed  and  greatly  increased  the 
influence  of  these  unions  in  politics.  Further 
wage  acts  have  been  passed  providing  minimum 
rates  of  wages  for  those  engaged  in  the  cloth- 
ing trades  and  in  coal  mines.  The  number  of 


28          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

trades  included  will,  no  doubt,  be  increased, 
and  propositions  have  been  offered  and  are 
now  pending  for  the  adoption  of  general  mini- 
mum wage  schedules. 


HUMANITARIAN  TENDENCIES 

A  third  tendency  very  closely  associated  with 
the  last  named  is  the  spirit  of  humanitarianism 
as  developed  in  recent  years.  This  has  pro- 
foundly affected  the  social  and  political  life  of 
nations.  As  distinguished  from  the  attention 
just  accorded  to  the  changing  relation  of  the 
State  to  the  individual,  it  may  be  regarded  as 
a  changed  relation  of  the  governed  each  to  the 
other. 

In  every  period  of  awakening  or  convulsion 
there  is  a  disposition  to  take  stock  of  inequali- 
ties in  the  conditions  of  existence  enjoyed  by 
human  beings,  whether  such  conditions  proceed 
from  differences  in  the  enjoyment  of  political 
power,  or  in  the  possession  of  wealth  and  the 
means  of  subsistence.  The  more  favored 
classes  yield  to  the  less  favored,  either  as  the 


Modern  Political   Tendencies          29 

result  of  force,  or  more  frequently  of  orderly 
processes.  Often  the  resistance  to  such  move- 
ments is  characterized  by  lack  of  vigor  or  by  a 
conviction  on  the  part  of  those  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  power  and  privilege  that  the  times  re- 
quire a  change.  Mr.  Benjamin  Kidd  in  his 
work  on  Social  Evolution  remarks  how  feeble 
was  the  resistance  at  the  time  of  the  French 
Revolution  which  the  privileged  classes  inter- 
posed against  those  who  demanded  what  they 
termed  "their  rights,"  and  he  makes  this  very 
strong  statement,  "It  was  in  the  hearts  of  the 
ruling  classes  rather  than  in  the  streets  that  the 
battle  was  won." 

The  tendency  toward  humanitarianism  finds 
expression  not  merely  in  the  policies  of  politi- 
cal parties  and  the  promises  of  candidates  for 
office,  but  in  the  general  spirit  which  pervades 
communities  and  nations.  It  has  been  main- 
tained that  in  countries  such  as  Germany  the 
movement  has  been  due  to  a  desire  to  promote 
efficiency,  while  in  the  United  States  and  Eng- 
land it  is  the  result  of  popular  rule.  The  move- 
ment is  traceable  rather  to  an  almost  universal 


30          MocLern  Political   Tendencies 

enhancement  in  the  regard  which  social  classes 
have  for  each  other,  especially  the  more  for- 
tunate for  the  less  fortunate.  This  has  per- 
vaded every  portion  of  the  earth  where  there 
is  a  careful  consideration  of  the  interests  of 
all.  It  is  a  larger  appreciation  of  what  hu- 
manity and  human  welfare  mean,  a  disposition 
which  appears  independently  of  forms  of  gov- 
ernment, though  more  vigorously  promoted  in 
countries  of  popular  institutions.  The  condi- 
tion of  the  less  favored  classes  has  come  to  be 
considered  not  so  much  as  an  appeal  to  a  spirit 
of  benevolence  as  the  basis  of  a  right.  While 
private  activity  for  charity  and  betterment  has 
reached  proportions  never  known  before,  the 
State  has  been  called  upon  to  render  assistance 
in  far  greater  measure  than  ever.  Illustrations 
may  be  found  in  enlarged  provision  at  the  cost 
of  the  taxpayer  for  public  hospitals,  municipal 
parks  and  playgrounds,  for  the  better  care  of 
the  insane  and  submerged  classes,  for  the  more 
considerate  treatment  of  criminals.  It  cannot 
be  denied  that  many  well  intentioned  efforts 
for  the  unfortunate  lead  to  excesses  and  even  to 


Modern  Political  Tendencies         31 

absurdity.  The  natural  result  of  the  activities 
of  many  philanthropists  and  aid  societies — 
and  this  is  true  of  statutory  regulations  as  well 
— is  to  make  permanent  derelicts  of  those  to 
whom  aid  is  proffered.  It  is  needless  to  say 
that  the  one  aim  in  aiding  the  weaker  should 
be  to  enable  them,  if  possible,  to  look  upward 
and  become  more  independent  and  useful  mem- 
bers of  society. 


THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  SPIRIT  OF  NATIONALITY 

This  fourth  tendency  has  been  widely  mani- 
fest, whether  we  interpret  the  term  "national- 
ity" as  referring  to  existing  nations  or  to  peo- 
ples of  kindred  race  and  language  having  na- 
tional aspirations.  The  growing  influence  of 
this  tendency  has  been  denied  by  some  who  ar- 
gue that  the  spirit  of  cosmopolitanism  has  been 
increasing,  that  the  world  is  becoming  one 
great  commercial  republic,  that  international 
steamships,  railways,  cables  and  wireless  have 
broken  down  barriers.  Nevertheless,  the  fu- 


32          Modern  Political  Tendencies 

tility  of  international  associations  made  up  of 
those  of  common  views  or  interests  was  em- 
phatically proven  at  the  beginning  of  the  late 
war.  Their  efforts  for  peace  were  ruthlessly 
swept  aside  by  the  stronger  ties  of  nationality 
and  their  own  members  abandoned  their  cher- 
ished opinions  of  universal  brotherhood  in  re- 
sponse to  the  call  to  arms.  In  the  modern 
world  every  man  realizes  that  for  the  enjoy- 
ment of  the  most  helpful  opportunities  he  must 
depend  very  largely  upon  the  protection  and 
assistance  afforded  him  by  his  country,  and  that 
in  turn  his  country  needs  his  support  and  con- 
stant loyalty.  Every  nation  desires  to  increase 
its  commerce  and  trade,  many  seek  to  enlarge 
their  borders,  and  all  have  that  growing  desire 
for  power  and  influence  which  was  so  consider- 
able a  factor  in  precipitationg  the  late  war. 
Pride  of  nationality  is  stimulated  as  interna- 
tional relations  become  more  prominent.  Along 
with  these  influences  there  has  also  been  a  cer- 
tain growth  of  race-repulsion  which  increases 
rather  than  diminishes  with  closer  contact. 
The  attractive  traits  of  other  peoples  and  the 


Modern  Political   Tendencies          33 

desirability  of  engaging  in  commerce  and  main- 
taining friendly  relations  with  them  are  all 
recognized,  but  repellant  qualities  are  recog- 
nized as  well.  It  is  not  easy  for  those  of  dif- 
ferent race  and  of  different  ideals  to  live  to- 
gether in  the  most  perfect  harmony. 


TENDENCIES  TOWARD  CENTRALIZATION  AND  A 
LARGER  NATIONAL  LIFE 

As  an  effect  of  increasing  facilities  for  trans- 
portation and  the  extension  of  trade  over  far 
wider  areas,  together  with  the  enlarged  partici- 
pation of  governments  in  many  essential  enter- 
prises and  operations,  there  has  been  a  pro- 
nounced tendency  toward  centralization.  This 
has  been  powerfully  reinforced  by  the  national 
spirit  above  referred  to.  In  some  cases  the 
dominant  reason  for  unity  or  centralization  has 
been  political  in  its  nature  and  actuated  by  the 
desire  of  a  people  of  the  same  race  and  lan- 
guage to  create  a  stronger  nationality.  This 
may  be  said  of  the  consolidation  of  separate 


34          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

states,  formerly  loosely  associated,  into  the 
German  Empire,  and  the  creation  of  a  United 
Italy.  In  other  instances  the  most  prominent 
reason  has  been  a  recognition  of  economic  in- 
terdependence and  a  conviction  that  in  a  larger 
federation  the  different  activities  and  agencies 
of  government  will  be  more  effective.  This 
may  be  illustrated  by  the  consolidation  under 
one  federal  government  of  the  six  Australian 
colonies,  accomplished  at  the  beginning  of  this 
century;  also  by  the  Union  of  South  Africa, 
established  about  1906,  combining  communities 
which  had  been  loyal  to  the  British  Crown  with 
those  which  had  been  at  war  with  England. 

As  a  result  of  peaceful  development  the  ten- 
dency toward  centralization  has  been  very 
marked  in  the  United  States.  In  many  re- 
spects boundary  lines  between  different  com- 
monwealths have  become  mere  vanishing  traces 
on  the  map.  The  larger  operations  of  trade 
and  transportation  are  recognized  as  national 
rather  than  local.  Many  undertakings  of  na- 
tional aspect  receive  different  and  sometimes 
conflicting  treatment  in  the  various  States  and 


Modern  Political   Tendencies          35 

uniform  regulations  are  demanded.  It  is  still 
desirable,  however,  that  each  State  retain  its 
own  political  consciousness  and  separate  re- 
sponsibilities. It  may  well  be  questioned 
whether  the  tendency  to  abdicate  the  functions 
of  State  governments  had  not  at  the  beginning 
of  the  war  attained  a  development  quite  out  of 
line  with  the  fundamental  ideas  of  the  Federal 
Constitution.  The  dividing  line  between  fed- 
eral and  state  activities  will  be  very  largely 
determined  by  the  comparative  competency 
and  efficiency  of  the  respective  governments  of 
each  in  obtaining  results.  The  question  of 
raising  revenue  had  much  to  do  with  this  prob- 
lem. Prior  to  the  war  it  was  altogether  easier 
for  the  federal  government  to  obtain  by  taxa- 
tion the  requisite  means  for  necessary  public 
improvements  for  which  the  states  could  not 
readily  provide.  The  tendency  of  this  was 
toward  the  adoption  of  enterprises  by  the  Con- 
gress at  Washington  which  might  more  natur- 
ally have  been  left  to  individual  states  or  to 
their  subdivisions. 


36          Modern  Political  Tendencies 

OBJECTIONABLE  OR  DANGEROUS  TENDENCIES 

No  treatment  of  this  subject  is  complete 
without  reference  to  certain  dangerous  or  de- 
moralizing tendencies  which  could  be  recog- 
nized prior  to  the  war  and  which  manifest 
themselves  in  all  forms  of  government.  The 
desire  for  special  privileges  or  undue  individ- 
ual advantage  is  not  confined  to  autocratic 
governments.  It  is  plainly  manifest  in  those 
of  popular  rule,  though  displayed  in  an  en- 
tirely different  manner.  An  ever  present  dan- 
ger in  any  country  in  which  universal  suffrage 
is  the  rule,  is  the  assertion  by  groups  or  classes 
of  voters  of  claims  which  do  not  square  with 
the  general  welfare.  Mr.  Gladstone  used  to 
refer  to  contests  in  Great  Britain  as  a  strug- 
gle between  "the  masses  and  the  classes."  The 
situation  may  be  more  correctly  described  as 
the  result  of  an  inevitable  tendency  toward  the 
organization  of  classes  from  the  masses,  whe- 
ther made  up  of  the  more  favored  or  the  less 
favored  elements  of  the  population.  Intelli- 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          37 

gent  and  well  organized  selfish  interests  are 
able  to  accomplish  results  for  their  own  bene- 
fit which  afford  them  special  privileges  entirely 
inconsistent  with  that  equal  opportunity  which 
should  exist  in  all  governments.  In  our  own 
country  the  principal  basis  of  the  undue  influ- 
ence of  aggressive  elements  in  the  electorate 
may  be  found  in  the  lack  of  interest  and  atten- 
tion to  public  affairs  which  characterizes  the 
great  body  of  our  citizenship.  The  absence 
of  adequate  civic  responsibility  has  a  ready  ex- 
planation. The  extraordinary  expansion  of 
commerce  and  industry,  and  the  more  assured 
rewards  which  accrue  to  those  engaged  in  busi- 
ness or  the  professions,  have  caused  a  turning 
aside  from  political  activity  and  a  diminished 
regard  for  the  important  matters  pertaining 
to  the  city,  the  state  and  the  nation.  Excep- 
tional possibilities  for  individual  advancement 
have  given  a  stimulus  to  material  development 
which  affords  a  constant  attraction  to  the  most 
competent  and  energetic.  There  is  no  stratifi- 
cation in  our  society.  Repeated  examples  of 
the  achievements  of  those  beginning  in  un- 


38          Modern  Political  Tendencies 

promising  surroundings  who  gained  leading 
positions  in  finance  or  industry,  give  a  constant 
spur  to  engage  in  a  business  or  professional  ca- 
reer and  to  become  absorbed  in  it  to  the  ex- 
clusion of  civic  responsibilities.  There  are,  no 
doubt,  glaring  contrasts  in  the  material  condi- 
tions of  the  people,  but  opportunities  are  open 
to  everyone  much  more  generally  than  else- 
where. While  these  opportunities  afford  en- 
couragement to  all,  they  give  a  direction  to  the 
pursuits  and  aspirations  of  our  citizenship 
which  is  not  altogether  desirable. 

There  is  a  constant  disposition  on  the  part 
of  political  leaders  and  parties  to  follow  the 
most  assertive  demands  of  popular  opinion  and 
to  seek  the  support  of  groups  which  include 
large  numbers  of  voters.  This  has  been  very 
marked  in  recent  years.  Candidates  for  of- 
fice are  inevitably  subject  to  certain  potent 
influences.  Their  desire  is  for  the  support  of 
the  voters  and  for  their  continued  favor  in  the 
recurring  elections.  They  often  find  that  the 
loyal  assistance  of  the  few  is  of  much  greater 
advantage  in  their  campaigns  than  the  passive 


Modern  Political   Tendencies          39 

approval  of  the  much  larger  body  of  citizens 
who  are  not  actively  interested.  A  personal 
favor,  the  passage  of  a  private  or  pension  act, 
or  the  obtaining  of  .an  appropriation  for  a  com- 
munity, creates  a  friendly  and  aggressive  sup- 
port. The  securing  of  legislation  for  local  im- 
provements, sometimes  altogether  objection- 
able, is  often  given  as  the  main  reason  for  re- 
election to  office. 

The  influence  of  classes  imbued  with  a  de- 
sire for  the  promotion  of  their  separate  inter- 
ests threatens  the  quality  of  legislation.  A 
powerful  coterie  demanding  favorable  action 
are  often  able  to  obtain  what  they  wish  by  the 
threat  that  they  will  turn  en  masse  from  one 
political  party  to  another  if  their  demands  are 
not  complied  with.  This  is  very  manifest  in  the 
work  of  many  associations  established  upon  sec- 
tional or  class  lines. 

In  this  connection  it  may  be  said  that  in  re- 
cent years  there  has  been  a  marked  decline  in 
the  prestige  of  members  of  legislative  bodies, 
both  state  and  national.  For  this  there  is  a 
variety  of  reasons. 


40          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

(A)  In  comparison  with  executive  officers 
the  representatives  elected  are  thought  to  rep- 
resent in  far  greater  degree  private  or  section- 
al interests.  With  the  increased  extent  of 
governmental  activity  and  the  much  larger 
number  of  enterprises  undertaken  by  the  state, 
local  concerns  assume  greater  magnitude  and 
this  fact  tends  to  divert  the  activities  of  mem- 
bers of  legislative  bodies  from  considerations 
of  general  importance  to  those  of  lesser  mo- 
ment. The  representative  or  senator  in  the 
National  or  State  Legislature  is  prone  to  re- 
gard himself  as  the  agent  of  his  locality.  No 
doubt  this  spirit  of  provincialism  often  pos- 
sesses legislators  when  they  could  more  wisely 
appeal  to  the  people  for  support  on  the  basis 
of  devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  whole  state 
or  nation. 

In  contrast  with  the  special  responsibility  of 
members  of  legislative  bodies  to  a  part  of  a 
state  or  of  the  country,  the  President  and  gov- 
ernors of  States  are  regarded  as  having  a  direct 
responsibility  to  all  the  people  of  the  nation  or 
of  a  state.  Mr.  Cleveland  once  wrote  that  the 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          41 

President  of  the  United  States  was  the  one 
person  who  should  be  accessible  to  every  citi- 
zen for  the  presentation  of  his  grievances. 
Again,  the  acts  of  executive  officers  are  usually 
given  wider  publicity  and  they  have  a  readier 
hearing  from  the  public  and  often  more  general 
credit  for  measures  recommended  or  promoted 
by  them. 

It  is  superfluous  to  say  that  there  should  be 
unremitting  warfare  against  class  conscious- 
ness and  the  domination  of  individual  or  sel- 
fish interests.  One  main  object  of  the  recent 
war  was  to  destroy  privileged  classes,  and  it 
seems  altogether  impossible  that  in  a  country 
in  which  there  is  universal  suffrage  and  a  strong 
underlying  spirit  of  patriotism  there  should  be 
submission  to  the  control  of  groups  or  organi- 
zations whose  horizon  is  bounded  by  provincial 
or  selfish  aims. 

(B)  There  is  a  prevalent  impression — not 
altogether  based  upon  facts — that  there  have 
been  more  numerous  instances  of  the  use  of 
corrupt  methods  in  the  case  of  legislators,  also 
that  they  are  more  likely  to  become  subject  to 


42          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

the  dictation  of  political  bosses  or  of  powerful 
business  or  financial  cliques.  Accusations  of 
the  use  of  bribery  in  legislative  bodies  have  been 
frequently  made,  and  in  some  cases  the  proof 
has  not  been  lacking. 

The  demoralizing  effect  of  the  use  of  money 
in  election  campaigns  has  been  a  fruitful  source 
of  evil  in  its  influence  upon  public  officials  and 
has  affected  the  standing  of  legislators  and  ex- 
ecutive officers  alike.  But,  as  in  the  case  of 
many  other  objectionable  features  in  our  po- 
litical life,  the  chief  responsibility  for  extrava- 
gance in  the  use  of  money  rests  with  the  people. 
Indifference  is  prevalent.  Elaborate  organi- 
zations and  costly  campaigns  have  been  found 
necessary  to  bring  voters  who  have  convictions 
to  the  polls,  and  with  those  of  no  settled  con- 
victions money  has  been  utilized  to  influence 
their  votes. 

(C)  A  serious  danger  in  political  tenden- 
cies is  the  inertia  which  has  been  characteristic 
of  legislative  bodies,  both  state  and  national, 
and  the  lack  of  ready  response  to  the  people's 
will.  In  general,  it  may  be  said  that  there  has 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          43 

been  failure  to  adopt  those  progressive  poli- 
cies and  methods  of  procedure  which  are  re- 
quired by  present  day  conditions.  For  years 
it  has  been  recognized  by  all  careful  students 
of  the  subject  that  there  are  fundamental  de- 
fects in  the  making  of  appropriations  by  the 
Congress  at  Washington,  and  that  there  is  a 
lack  of  proper  coordination  between  the  execu- 
tive and  legislative  branches,  as  well  as  between 
the  committees  or  agencies  having  to  do  with 
the  raising  of  revenue  and  its  expenditure.  For 
a  long  time  the  necessity  for  a  more  rational  pol- 
icy for  the  conservation  of  national  resources 
and  rendering  them  available  for  the  people's 
use,  free  from  monopolistic  control,  has  been 
regarded  as  a  crying  need.  Water  power  hav- 
ing a  value  of  many  millions  per  year  has  been 
going  to  waste  because  of  a  failure  to  agree 
upon  regulations  for  the  granting  of  rights  by 
the  federal  authorities.  This  has  been  true 
though  numerous  bills  have  been  introduced 
and  the  subject  has  been  almost  constantly  un- 
der consideration  for  the  last  ten  years. 
It  is  not  intended  to  say  that  there  should  be 


44          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

an  immediate  response  to  every  wave  of  popu- 
lar agitation.  There  are  two  fundamental 
ideas  embodied  in  the  Federal  Constitution, 
both  alike  to  be  reckoned  with.  First,  that  the 
will  of  the  people  should  prevail.  Second,  that 
the  popular  will  should  be  deliberately  ex- 
pressed and  after  mature  consideration.  It 
has  been  pertinently  said  that  the  framers  of 
the  Constitution  were  equally  afraid  of  the 
despot  and  of  the  mob.  Thus  the  Constitution 
contains  a  formidable  array  of  provisions  which 
make  for  deliberation  and  prevent  hasty  ac- 
tion, such  as  the  existence  of  two  legislative 
bodies,  the  veto  power  of  the  Executive,  to  be 
overcome  only  by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  both 
houses,  and  the  revisory  power  of  the  Supreme 
Court  which  has  the  right  to  declare  statutes 
invalid.  The  rule  in  vogue  in  many  countries 
that  Cabinet  ministers  should  resign  after  an 
adverse  vote  in  the  legislative  body  is  not  ac- 
cepted here.  The  requirement  for  a  two-thirds 
vote  of  both  Houses  of  Congress  and  subse- 
quent ratification  by  three-fourths  of  the 
States  in  the  adoption  of  Constitutional  amend- 


Modern  Political   Tendencies          45 

ments,  is  in  the  same  line  with  other  regula- 
tions which  require  deliberate  action.  But 
giving  full  scope  to  these  salutary  provisions 
there  has  often  occurred  a  wholly  unnecessary 
delay  in  the  enactment  of  wholesome  laws. 
Oftentimes  there  has  been  an  almost  universal 
opinion  in  favor  of  very  essential  legislation  to 
which  Congress  or  State  legislatures  have 
failed  to  respond.  A  frequent  explanation  for 
this  is  that  ultra-conservative  elements  have  an 
undue  influence  in  controlling  the  action  of 
legislative  bodies  and  that  bills  are  suppressed 
by  committees,  but  there  are  other  reasons, 
partly  traditionary,  partly  based  upon  meth- 
ods of  parliamentary  procedure,  and  more  than 
all  upon  the  very  wide  range  of  subjects  which 
call  for  legislative  determination.  The  num- 
ber of  bills  annually  introduced  in  the  British 
House  of  Commons  can  be  numbered  by  hun- 
dreds, while  those  in  the  two  Houses  of  Con- 
gress at  Washington  must  be  counted  by  tens 
of  thousands.  It  is  not  because  of  a  mere  pref- 
erence of  legislators  that  the  committee  system 
has  been  adopted.  Such  a  system  is  absolutely 


46          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

essential.  The  great  mass  of  legislative  pro- 
posals presented  for  consideration  jnakes  it 
imperatively  necessary  to  refer  bills  which  are 
introduced  to  scores  of  committees,  otherwise 
the  necessary  care  in  drafting  and  perfecting 
measures  could  not  be  attained.  There  is  im- 
posed upon  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 
the  duty  of  considering  a  multitude  of  private 
claims,  some  of  which  survive  even  from  gen- 
eration to  generation.  It  must  give  attention 
to  the  varied  requirements  of  the  municipal 
government  of  the  District  of  Columbia. 
Thousands  of  private  pension  bills  are  intro- 
duced every  year.  The  record  of  a  member  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  who  was  for  a 
long  time  continued  in  office,  discloses  that  in  a 
single  session  he  introduced  twelve  hundred 
pension  bills  and  not  a  single  measure  having 
to  do  with  matters  of  national  scope.  This 
illustration  could  be  duplicated  by  the  record 
of  other  members.  Bridges  across  navigable 
streams  must  be  authorized  by  Act  of  Con- 
gress, although  in  practically  every  instance 
the  granting  or  refusal  of  the  right  is  deter- 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          47 

mined  by  recommendations  of  the  War  De- 
partment. Bills  making  appropriations  for 
rivers  and  harbors  and  for  public  buildings,  in- 
clude hundreds  of  items,  the  consideration  of 
any  one  of  which  may  lead  to  extended  discus- 
sion before  committees  or  in  the  two  Houses 
of  Congress.  The  evil  resulting  from  this 
enormous  mass  of  subjects  to  be  considered  by 
the  National  Legislature  is  that  time  required 
for  questions  of  national  policy  is  consumed 
upon  questions  of  detail  or  of  trivial  impor- 
tance. The  effects  of  the  system  upon  indi- 
vidual legislators  in  diverting  their  attention 
from  the  larger  and  more  important  subjects 
which  should  occupy  their  time  are  passed  on 
to  the  electorate  as  well,  in  that  their  judgment 
of  the  standing  and  qualifications  of  their  rep- 
resentatives in  the  National  Legislature, 
House  or  Senate,  is  obscured  by  the  promi- 
nence of  questions  which  are  not  national  in 
their  scope.  A  very  large  share  of  the  business 
which  now  consumes  the  time  of  Congress 
could  be  more  efficiently  and  fairly  performed 
by  non-partisan  expert  commissions.  This  was 


48          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

a  favorite  plan  of  the  late  President  Roosevelt. 
For  example,  a  government  building  is  much 
to  be  desired  in  the  growing  cities  of  the  coun- 
try. Such  a  structure  impresses  upon  the  com- 
munity in  which  it  is  located  the  ever  present 
activities  of  the  Federal  government,  and  pro- 
vides a  permanent  centre  for  the  transaction  of 
official  business.  It  is  dangerous,  however,  to 
vest  the  selection  and  the  amount  to  be  ex- 
pended in  bodies  in  which  personal  claims  or 
prestige  are  so  likely  to  result  in  favoritism  or 
waste. 

Thus,  the  present  methods  of  transacting 
legislative  business  in  the  national  legislature 
have  become  obsolete  and  are  entirely  unfitted 
to  meet  the  requirements  of  one  hundred  and 
ten  millions  of  people.  In  the  early  days  of 
the  Republic  the  difficulty  of  meeting  such 
staggering  demands  for  legislative  action  did 
not  exist.  In  the  first  few  Congresses  the  total 
of  appropriations  reached  only  a  few  millions, 
and  the  statutes  relating  to  tWem  could  be 
written  upon  a  very  few  pages.  The  first  Act 
passed  by  Congress  making  appropriations  for 


Modern  Political   Tendencies          49 

federal  expenses  became  a  law  September  29, 
1789.  The  amounts  provided  were  included 
under  four  general  heads,  aggregating  less 
than  one  million  dollars,  and  were  set  forth 
on  a  single  page  in  eleven  lines  of  print.  There 
soon  developed  a  disposition  to  make  specific 
mention  of  every  object  appropriated  for. 
The  statute  of  1795  contained  less  than  three 
pages,  and,  as  an  illustration  of  the  tendency 
toward  greater  minuteness,  included  the  sum 
of  twelve  hundred  dollars  "for  wood  and  can- 
dles in  the  several  offices  of  the  treasury  depart- 
ment (except  the  Treasurer's  office)."  Not 
until  the  year  1800,  did  the  total  of  appropria- 
tions reach  the  sum  of  ten  millions  of  dollars, 
and  this  amount  was  not  again  reached  until 
1809.  Under  these  circumstances  it  was  pos- 
sible to  give  attention  to  every  item.  Now 
there  is  not  only  an  increase  in  population  of 
thirty-fold,  but  a  far  greater  increase  in  the 
functions  of  government,  and  in  the  objects 
for  which  appropriations  are  made.  The 
average  of  annual  expenditures  exceeds  one 
billion.  In  the  last  copy  of  the  Annual  Sta- 


50          Modern  Political  Tendencies 

tutes  of  the  United  States  appropriation  bills 
occupied  a  very  large  share  of  the  pages  of  the 
general  statutes,  while  the  disbursements  spe- 
cifically or  generally  authorized  approximated 
fourteen  billions.  True,  this  immense  amount 
was  due  to  the  exigencies  of  war,  but  every 
kind  of  legislation  has  so  increased  that  the 
methods  of  legislation  at  first  devised  are  clear- 
ly inapplicable  to  present  conditions.  The 
most  wholesome  reform  would  be  accom- 
plished if  in  all  these  questions  Congress  should 
restrict  its  action,  as  far  as  possible,  to  the  de- 
termination of  questions  of  general  policy. 

A  substantial  obstacle  to  the  ready  enact- 
ment of  federal  legislation  is  the  unlimited  de- 
bate which  has  been  allowed  in  the  Senate,  un- 
til a  slight  modification  in  the  rules  of  that 
body,  recently  adopted,  which,  however,  makes 
no  substantial  difference.  For  this  preroga- 
tive of  the  Senate  there  are  both  affirmative 
and  negative  arguments.  The  arguments 
against  the  present  method  of  procedure  are  the 
postponement  or  defeat  of  measures  having 
the  support  of  a  majority  of  Senators.  Of  this 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          51 

there  have  been  notable  examples  in  filibus- 
ters, especially  at  the  close  of  a  session  when 
there  is  a  great  mass  of  proposed  legislation 
awaiting  disposition.  On  the  other  side,  it 
must  be  said  that  this  right  of  unlimited  de- 
bate is  the  bulwark  of  the  minority,  that  it  en- 
sures more  careful  and  intelligent  considera- 
tion, time  is  afforded  for  an  expression  of  pop- 
ular opinion  throughout  the  country,  and  up- 
on many  important  propositions  the  action  of 
those  who  have  conducted  a  so-called  filibuster 
has  been  ultimately  approved  by  the  people. 

A  glaring  defect  in  the  methods  of  transact- 
ing business  in  both  Houses  of  Congress  is  the 
tendency  to  hold  back  until  the  very  last  day 
or  days  of  the  session,  the  final  passage  of  im- 
portant appropriation  bills  and  other  measures. 
This  causes  a  crush  in  legislative  work,  and 
often  leads  to  hasty  action  and  sometimes  to 
serious  errors  in  the  form  of  bills.  One  un- 
favorable result  is  that  much  legislation  is  prac- 
tically determined  by  Conference  Committees 
rather  than  by  the  two  houses  in  the  exercise 
of  their  proper  functions. 


52          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

Specific  reforms  intended  to  afford  relief 
from  the  tendencies  which  make  for  inefficiency 
or  inertia  now  existing,  are  at  present  under 
earnest  consideration  in  Congress  and  else- 
where. In  nothing  is  there  greater  need  than 
in  the  system  of  making  appropriations.  Pres- 
ent methods  cannot  be  said  to  be  conducive 
either  to  economy  or  to  the  most  orderly  and 
careful  prosecution  of  governmental  activities. 
The  laws  require  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  to 
prepare  in  the  autumn  of  each  year  estimates 
of  the  amounts  to  be  appropriated  for  the  re- 
spective departments  or  branches  of  the  gov- 
ernment. These  estimates  are  collected  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  and  by  him  are  sub- 
mitted to  the  House  of  Representatives  at  the 
opening  of  the  following  session.  In  perform- 
ing this  duty  he  has  no  power  of  revision,  al- 
though he  might  make  suggestions  to  his  fellow 
Cabinet  officers.  During  the  administration 
of  President  Hayes,  Mr.  Sherman,  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  sought  to  obtain  authority  to 
review  the  estimates  of  his  colleagues,  but  this 
was  strenuously  opposed.  Each  member  of 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          53 

the  Cabinet,  and  even  his  subordinates,  may  ap- 
pear before  committees  of  Congress  to  advo- 
cate provision  for  their  departments  or  bu- 
reaus. In  addition  to  the  departments  or  bu- 
reaus there  is  a  very  considerable  number  of 
commissions  and  other  bodies  outside  of  the 
jurisdiction  of  any  Cabinet  officer,  all  the  mem- 
bers of  which  are  seeking  generous  provision 
for  their  work.  In  commenting  upon  the 
claims  made  under  such  a  system,  a  committee 
of  the  Constitutional  Convention  of  the  State 
of  New  York  in  1915,  said:  "In  size  they  are 
limited  only  by  the  enthusiasm  of  each  bureau 
chief  for  the  activities  of  his  own  bureau."  The 
President  may  enjoin  upon  his  subordinates 
the  necessity  for  limiting  expenses  or  empha- 
size the  relative  importance  of  different  branch- 
es of  the  federal  service,  but  it  is  out  of  the 
question  that  with  his  manifold  duties  he 
should  be  able  to  exercise  such  a  degree  of  su- 
pervision as  to  secure  a  symmetrical  budget 
characterized  by  a  proper  degree  of  economy. 
The  argument  has  frequently  been  made 
against  executive  control  of  expenditures  that 


54          Modern  Political  Tendencies 

in  the  history  of  appropriations  it  appears 
Congress  has  cut  down  the  amounts  recom- 
mended by  the  executive  department  in  almost 
every  case.  It  is  rather  an  exposition  of  the 
imperfection  of  the  system.  Another  objec- 
tion to  existing  methods  arises  from  the  rela- 
tion between  the  two  Houses  of  Congress.  Al- 
though the  House  of  Representatives  has  the 
first  consideration  of  money  bills,  the  Senate 
has  unlimited  power  of  amendment.  It  may 
be  conceded  that  either  body  would  be  entire- 
ly competent  to  determine  questions  of  this 
nature,  but  there  are  manifest  advantages  in 
giving  final  authority  to  one  or  to  the  other. 
When  appropriation  bills  have  passed  both 
houses,  the  separate  preferences  of  the  two, 
and  of  many  individual  members  of  each,  in 
fact,  is  readily  traced,  and  this  method  makes 
for  extravagance.  One  house  may  lay  special 
stress  upon  certain  classes  of  appropriation, 
and  the  other  upon  others.  For  example,  the 
House  of  Representatives  may  consider  that 
in  provisions  in  the  agricultural  appropria- 
tion bill  for  the  destruction  of  pests,  the  boll 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          55 

weevil  requires  the  more  serious  attention, 
while  in  the  Senate  the  gipsy  moth  may  be  re- 
garded as  the  more  serious  danger.  For  a 
long  time  there  was  a  variance  between  the 
House  and  the  Senate  as  to  the  comparative 
value  of  battleships  and  cruisers  in  the  upbuild- 
ing of  the  Navy.  As  an  outcome,  after  the 
question  has  been  in  conference  between  the 
two  houses,  the  almost  invariable  result  is  to 
include  generous  provision  for  both,  and  this 
applies  to  the  whole  aggregate  of  appropria- 
tions. 

Again,  the  method  of  granting  to  various 
committees  in  the  two  houses  the  right  to  frame 
appropriation  bills  creates  a  lack  of  harmony 
and  tends  to  increase  the  aggregate  amount. 
Still  further,  there  is  no  concert  of  action  be- 
tween committees  having  to  do  with  provi- 
sion for  revenue  and  those  having  charge  of 
bills  for  appropriations.  Until  the  year  1865 
the  same  committee  of  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives reported  revenue  bills  and  alL  appro- 
priation measures  as  well,  when  there  was  a 


56          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

division  into  two  great  committees,  that  on 
Ways  and  Means,  upon  which  was  laid  the 
duty  of  framing  bills  for  revenue,  and  that 
upon  Appropriations,  which  recommended 
amounts  for  expenditure.  At  a  later  time  the 
argument  prevailed  that  the  concentration  of 
all  appropriations  in  one  committee  gave  to  it 
undue  power,  and  that  the  different  branches 
of  the  government  required  more  extended 
consideration  than  could  be  given  by  a  single 
body.  Various  bills  were  assigned  to  other 
committees.  One  immediate  reason  for  the 
division  was  of  a  personal  nature.  It  was  the 
desire  of  the  controlling  element  in  the  House 
to  limit  the  authority  and  prestige  of  the  then 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Appropria- 
tions, Mr.  Samuel  J.  Randall,  who  was  not  in 
accord  with  the  majority  of  his  party  on  the 
question  of  tariff.  However  conclusive  the  ar- 
guments for  a  division  may  have  been,  the  re- 
sult must  be  a  failure  to  recognize  the  compara- 
tive needs  of  the  different  departments  of  the 
government  such  as  is  manifestly  necessary  in 
any  well  organized  plan.  The  different  com- 


Modern  Political   Tendencies          57 

mittees  all  lay  special  stress  upon  the  subjects 
included  in  their  jurisdiction. 

There  has  been  a  recent  agitation  for  a  budg- 
et system,  the  movement  for  which  was  given 
special  impetus  by  the  recommendations  of 
President  Taft  during  his  administration. 
Resolutions  are  now  pending  in  Congress  for 
the  creation  of  a  commission  to  investigate  and 
report  upon  this  subject.  The  term  "budget" 
has  been  used  somewhat  loosely,  and  in  many 
instances  without  any  adequate  definition  of 
its  scope  and  meaning.  There  may  be  said  to 
be  two  classes  of  budgets  or  plans  for  the  mak- 
ing of  appropriations ;  one  depends  upon  par- 
liamentary scrutiny  and  discussion  under  which 
the  budget  is  essentially  the  result  of  legisla- 
tive action.  The  other  rests  primarily  and 
principally  upon  the  executive  department, 
and  the  authority  of  the  legislature  over  the  ob- 
jects for  which  expenditures  are  to  be  made  and 
the  amounts  therefor  are  prescribed  by  execu- 
tive authority.  The  United  States  presents 
the  best  example  of  the  former,  and  England 
or  the  United  Kingdom  of  the  latter.  In  fact, 


58          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

these  two  countries  may  be  said  to  illustrate 
the  two  extremes,  and  in  most  other  countries 
the  method  adopted  is  that  of  a  middle  course 
between  the  two.  The  latter  plan  with  various 
modifications  has  been  long  in  use  wherever  the 
responsible  ministers  are  members  of  the  legis- 
lature. 

There  are  several  essential  requirements  in 
any  well  devised  budgetary  system.  Proposi- 
tions for  the  raising  of  revenue  and  for  ex- 
penditures should  be  inseparably  connected  so 
that  the  two  may  be  as  nearly  equal  as  possi- 
ble. For  some  years  prior  to  1890,  amounts 
raised  by  taxation  in  the  United  States  were 
far  in  excess  of  governmental  requirements.  It 
is  obvious  that  such  a  condition  is  a  constant 
incentive  to  extravagant  expenditure,  and  a 
worse  situation  arises  when  appropriations  ex- 
ceed revenues.  Every  report  should  contain 
the  recapitulation  of  comparative  receipts  and 
expenditures  for  some  years  preceding  the  date 
at  which  the  annual  budget  is  presented,  and 
the  probable  surplus  or  deficit  at  the  beginning 
of  the  year  for  which  provision  is  to  be  made. 


Modern  Political   Tendencies          59 

Another  requisite  is  that  the  responsibility  for 
estimates,  both  of  receipts  and  expenditures, 
should  be  centralized.  Any  change  in  the 
methods  of  the  Federal  government  would 
naturally  impose  additional  duties  upon  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  In  the  same  con- 
nection it  is  desirable  that  disbursements  be 
subjected  to  close  scrutiny  by  skilled  account- 
ants, acting  under  the  direction  either  of  the 
executive  department  or  of  Congress,  who 
shall  make  sure  that  expenditures  are  devoted 
to  the  objects  and  restrained  within  the  limits 
intended.  The  Committee  of  Accounts  of 
the  House  of  Commons  is  one  of  the  most 
useful  agencies  for  securing  the  proper  dispo- 
sition of  amounts  appropriated. 

It  must  be  conceded  that  the  English  system 
is  superior  to  our  own  in  the  most  essential  fea- 
tures pertaining  to  fiscal  management.  There 
is  vested  in  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer 
the  duty  of  preparing  the  Budget.  Appeals 
must  be  made  to  his  office  for  all  appropria- 
tions, and  he  has  before  him  reports  from  every 
branch  of  the  government.  When  his  report 


60          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

is  completed  it  is  embodied  in  the  bill  presented 
to  the  Commons,  whose  authority  is  restricted 
to  the  adoption  of  the  budget  within  the  limits 
recommended.  New  items  cannot  be  intro- 
duced by  amendment,  nor  can  items  already 
included  be  increased  in  amount.  As  the  rule 
was  laid  down  by  Mr.  Gladstone  in  1866,  the 
duty  of  the  Commons  is  not  to  augment,  but  to 
decrease  expenditure.  The  same  budget  in- 
creases or  diminishes  existing  taxes  so  as  to 
provide  the  amounts  required.  Such  a  plan, 
however,  is  not  readily  adapted  to  a  country  in 
which  there  is  a  separation  of  the  legislative 
from  the  executive  in  the  manner  provided  by 
the  federal  Constitution. 

Very  considerable  progress  has  been  made  in 
divers  states  of  the  Union  in  the  adoption  of  a 
budgetary  plan.  In  nearly  all  of  these  there  is 
a  pronounced  disposition  to  vest  much  larger 
powers  in  the  executive  branch  of  the  govern- 
ment and  to  do  away  with  much  of  the  author- 
ity formerly  exercised  by  the  legislature.  The 
States  of  Maryland,  Utah  and  New  Mexico 
have  adopted  the  budget  system  in  &  very  com- 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          61 

plete  form.  In  Maryland  a  constitutional 
amendment  making  provision  for  the  new 
methods  was  adopted  and  statutes  were  passed 
enforcing  it.  In  Utah  and  New  Mexico  pro- 
vision is  made  by  statutes  under  their  existing 
constitutions.  In  each  of  these  states  the  Gov- 
ernor must  prepare  and  submit  to  the  legisla- 
ture a  budget  containing  a  complete  plan  or 
list  of  proposed  expenditures  and  estimated 
revenues,  and  with  it  a  bill  for  the  adoption  of 
the  recommendations  contained  in  it.  There 
is  a  strict  prohibition  against  the  increase  of 
amounts  recommended  by  the  Governor  and 
against  the  making  of  supplemental  appro- 
priations save  in  cases  such  as  constitutional 
obligations  or  others  of  exceptional  nature.  No 
other  appropriation  bill  can  receive  attention 
until  the  budget  has  been  passed  upon,  and 
supplementary  appropriations  which  are  re- 
quired by  conditions  arising  after  its  presenta- 
tion must  be  separately  considered,  and  none 
can  be  made  unless  there  is  either  a  balance  in 
the  State  Treasury  to  meet  the  amounts  re- 
quired, or  additional  taxes  are  imposed  for  that 


62          Modern  Political  Tendencies 

purpose.  In  New  Mexico  the  Governor  and 
members  of  departments  and  institutions  have 
the  right  to  appear  before  the  Legislature  and 
be  heard  in  respect  to  their  estimates.  Less 
radical  provision  for  a  budget  has  been  made 
in  a  number  of  other  states. 

In  any  proposition  for  adoption  by  the  fed- 
eral government  of  plans  similar  to  those  in 
vogue  in  the  states  mentioned,  it  is  impossible 
to  ignore  substantial  obstacles  based  upon  con- 
stitutional provisions  and  the  preferences  of 
the  people.  In  the  first  place  if,  according  to 
plans  which  have  been  proposed,  the  executive 
has  control  of  expenditures  without  responsi- 
bility for  providing  revenue,  there  will  be  con- 
stant friction.  If  he  is  to  exercise  control  over 
both  expenditures  and  the  raising  of  revenues, 
his  power  becomes  despotic.  In  any  event  so 
great  a  change  would  involve  the  transfer  to 
the  executive  of  powers  and  duties  which  have 
belonged  to  the  legislative  branch  from  the  very 
beginning  of  the  government.  It  should  be 
noted  that  the  so-called  power  of  the  purse,  the 
right  of  the  representatives  of  the  people  to 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          63 

determine  appropriations,  and  to  frame  rev- 
enue bills,  has  been  regarded  for  centuries  as 
the  very  citadel  of  popular  government.  The 
controversy  over  the  right  of  the  king  to  levy 
taxes  and  to  determine  the  apportionment  of 
public  funds  without  the  authority  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  was  the  main  source  of 
the  quarrel  between  King  Charles  I  and  the 
Parliament.  The  prerogatives  of  the  legisla- 
tive branch  of  the  government  in  this  regard 
have  been  so  firmly  fixed,  that  it  is  doubtful 
whether  any  Congress  would  ever  consent  to 
changes  abdicating  their  control  over  revenue 
measures  and  appropriations. 

Another  method  which  has  much  merit  has 
been  suggested,  namely,  the  formation  of  a 
general  committee  in  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives, to  be  made  up  of,  say,  two  members 
from  each  of  the  various  committees  having  to 
do  with  the  making  of  appropriations,  the  com- 
mittees on  Naval  and  Military  Affairs,  For- 
eign Affairs,  Agriculture,  Post  Offices  and 
Post  Roads,  Rivers  and  Harbors  and  Indian 
Affairs,  including,  of  course,  the  general  com- 


64          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

mittee  on  appropriations  which  still  reports 
six  supply  bills.  There  would  have  to  be  added 
representatives  from  the  Committee  on  Ways 
and  Means,  so  that  propositions  relating  to 
revenue  may  be  brought  into  unison  with  those 
relating  to  expenditures.  It  would  be  the  duty 
of  this  committee  to  consider  the  probable  de- 
mands of  the  government  for  all  its  operations 
and  recommend  specific  amounts  for  each 
branch  of  the  public  service,  together  with  pro- 
vision for  the  necessary  revenue.  The  recom- 
mendations of  the  committee  would  be  pre- 
sented to  the  House  for  discussion  and  amend- 
ment. If  the  House  upon  full  consideration 
concluded  to  increase  or  diminish  the  amounts 
recommended  by  the  committee,  the  vote  of  the 
majority  of  the  whole  body  would  be  required. 
After  the  totals  of  these  respective  appropria- 
tions were  determined  there  would  be  an  op- 
portunity for  the  Senate  to  increase  or  de- 
crease. When  the  limits  of  expenditure 
should  be  thus  fixed,  the  duty  would  be  re- 
mitted to  the  respective  appropriation  com- 
mittees of  Congress  to  apportion  expenses 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          65 

for  the  various  objects  included  in  their  jur- 
isdiction, not  exceeding  the  specific  amounts 
determined  upon  for  each.  Such  a  plan  would 
secure  a  most  salutary  reform.  The  Congress, 
rather  than  scattered  committees,  would  assume 
the  responsibility  for  fiscal  legislation.  One 
advantage  would  be  a  clearer  presentation  to 
the  country,  and  a  more  thorough  understand- 
ing by  the  Congress  itself,  of  the  respective 
needs  of  the  different  activities  of  the  govern- 
ment. Greater  publicity  would  be  assured,  and 
more  general  interest  aroused.  Each  commit- 
tee would  be  under  limitations  which  do  not 
now  exist,  and  the  tendency  would  be  toward 
economy  and  the  more  beneficial  utilization  of 
public  funds. 


RELATION  OF  THE  PRESIDENT  TO  CONGRESS 

For  a  considerable  number  of  years  there 
has  been  an  intelligent  agitation  for  closer 
touch  between  the  executive  and  Congress, 
though  no  definite  popular  opinion  seems  to 


66          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

have  been  formed  upon  this  subject.  Those  who 
favor  an  innovation  in  this  regard,  also  advo- 
cate a  larger  degree  of  participation  by  the  ex- 
ecutive in  the  framing  of  legislation.  The  ob- 
stacles in  the  way  of  such  changes,  as  in  the 
case  of  a  budget,  are  largely  traditionary  and 
based  upon  widely  accepted  conceptions  of  the 
proper  functions  of  the  two  branches  of  the 
government.  When  the  federal  constitution  was 
adopted  there  were  vivid  recollections  of  the 
arbitrary  conduct  of  royal  governors,  and  an 
idea  was  prevalent  that  the  rule  of  the  people 
was  best  assured  by  vesting  in  their  represen- 
tatives the  largest  possible  degree  of  power.  It 
was  thought  best  to  adopt  as  a  fundamental 
principle  the  division  of  governmental  func- 
tions into  three  departments,  executive,  legis- 
lative and  judiciary,  and  to  insist  upon  a  clear 
line  of  division  in  the  powers  and  duties  of  the 
three.  There  have  been  striking  contrasts  in 
the  attitude  of  the  various  Presidents  toward 
the  national  legislature.  President  McKinley 
may  be  said  to  represent  one  extreme.  This 
was  due  to  his  conciliatory  spirit  and  to  his  long 


Modern  Political  Tendencies         67 

experience  as  a  member  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, which  had  given  him  an  intimate 
acquaintance  with  many  members  of  both 
houses.  Other  Presidents  of  a  more  indepen- 
dent or  dominating  disposition  have  main- 
tained an  entirely  different  attitude,  some- 
times cherishing  a  depreciating  opinion  of  the 
legislators,  or  of  the  "men  upon  the  hill,"  as 
one  executive  expressed  himself.  This  has 
caused  distrust  of  the  motives  and  qualities 
each  of  the  other,  especially  when  the  Presi- 
dent has  been  of  a  different  political  party 
from  that  of  a  majority  in  one  or  both  houses. 

The  defects  of  the  present  system  are  mani- 
fest in  the  lack  of  helpful  cooperation,  also  in 
the  long  delay  of  Congress  in  acting  upon  ex- 
ecutive recommendations  and  the  disposition 
to  follow  different  paths.  It  has  been  main- 
tained that  this  could  be  remedied  by  the  pres- 
ence of  Cabinet  officers  on  the  floor  of  one  or 
both  Houses  of  Congress.  It  is  obvious  that 
this  would  create  a  vital  difference  in  the  rela- 
tions between  the  heads  of  departments  and 
Congress.  The  present  duties  of  Cabinet  of- 


68          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

ficers  are  distinctively  executive.  Should  they 
have  place  in  either  House  of  Congress  differ- 
ent qualifications  and  duties  would  be  brought 
into  play.  It  would  be  necessary  that  they  be 
ready  in  debate  and  that  a  very  considerable 
share  of  their  time  be  given  to  attendance  upon 
sessions  of  Congress.  One  result  might  be  the 
installation  of  deputies  of  permanent  tenure 
and  enlarged  authority,  whose  time  would  be 
exclusively  given  to  the  routine  work  of  the 
respective  departments.  Nevertheless,  such  a 
change  would  tend  to  secure  a  better  under- 
standing of  the  recommendations  made  by  the 
President  and  his  Cabinet,  and  to  promote  co- 
operation between  the  executive  and  the  legis- 
lative. Whether  it  would  tend  to  enlarge  the 
power  of  the  executive  may  be  doubted.  Many 
propositions  presented  by  him  or  his  subordin- 
ates would  be  subjected  to  the  fiercest  criticism 
and  accepted,  as  now,  only  after  elaborate  dis- 
cussion. Under  the  present  system  it  has  been 
the  custom  of  presidents  and  governors  to  "go 
before  the  people,"  as  it  is  expressed.  In  this 
manner  it  is  hoped  to  bring  an  unwilling  legis- 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          69 

lative  body  to  accept  recommendations  which 
have  been  rejected  or  unfavorably  considered. 
This  method  is  indirect,  involves  much  delay, 
and  tends  to  create  antagonisms. 


IMPORTANT  POLITICAL  TENDENCIES  AFTER 
THE  WAR 

Never  have  so  many  extremely  important 
problems  demanded  immediate  solution  as  at 
the  present  time.  The  questions  to  be  decided 
are  not  only  very  numerous  and  of  supreme 
importance,  but  the  viewpoint  of  the  peoples 
is  altogether  different  from  that  which  pre- 
vailed formerly.  The  thoughts  of  men  have 
been  quickened  as  never  before  and  newly  de- 
veloped aspirations  are  everywhere  demanding 
attention.  The  war  has  aroused  a  spirit  of 
heroism  and  self-sacrifice,  also  a  degree  of  al- 
truism, all  of  which  promise  human  betterment. 
It  has  been  well  said  that  unsettled  questions 
are  fatal  to  the  repose  of  nations.  The  close 


70          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

of  the  war  has  created  an  urgent  demand  that 
not  only  questions  growing  out  of  the  war,  but 
others  that  have  been  demanding  solution  for 
centuries,  be  settled  now  and  permanently. 
The  convulsion  which  has  held  the  world  in  its 
grip  promises  radical  changes  in  the  relations 
of  governments  to  the  governed,  and  of  the 
governed  each  to  the  other.  Tendencies  which 
were  plainly  manifest  in  some  countries  will  be 
effective  there  with  increased  force,  and  much 
more  in  others  where  similar  movements  were 
latent  or  suppressed.  We  shall  behold  not 
merely  the  further  and  enlarged  development 
of  tendencies  already  existing,  but  others  will 
unfold  as  the  result  of  the  awakening  incident 
to  the  frightful  contest  through  which  the 
world  has  passed. 

As  regards  the  effect  of  the  war  on  relations 
between  governments  and  the  governed,  it  is 
clear  that  the  demands  for  popular  institutions 
will  be  very  much  accentuated.  The  war  was 
won  by  nations  of  liberal  type.  One  potent 
reason  for  this  demand  will  be  the  earnest  de- 
sire for  an  era  of  peace,  and  the  almost  uni- 


Modern  Political   Tendencies          71" 

versal  feeling  that  wars  in  the  past  have  been 
the  result  of  dynastic  ambitions.  It  is  very 
generally  believed  that  but  for  the  ambition  of 
one  sovereign  the  terrible  conflict  would  not 
have  occurred,  and  there  is  assurance  that 
countries  which  have  popular  rule  will  not  has- 
tily engage  in  war.  In  forecasting  the  future 
of  democracy,  we  must  take  into  account  its 
difficulties  in  areas  inhabited  by  peoples  who 
have  for  a  long  time  been  under  arbitrary  re- 
straint. With  many  of  them  all  forms  of  re- 
straint, however  salutary,  will  evoke  strenuous 
opposition,  because  any  form  of  government 
is  associated  in  their  thought  with  injustice  and 
oppression.  The  difficulties  are  particularly 
marked  in  those  countries  of  Europe  in  which 
there  is  a  mingling  of  race,  religion  and  lan- 
guage, which  tends  to  prevent  unity  and  order- 
ly government.  Under  whatever  form,  this 
has  been  one  of  the  main  causes  of  discord  and 
war  in  Europe  and  elsewhere.  In  many  of 
them  the  political  map  does  not  correspond 
with  the  ethnical  map.  It  is  a  condition  of 
popular  government  that  the  majority  must 


72          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

rule.  Political  power  must  find  lodgment 
somewhere,  and  a  necessary  theory  wherever 
popular  institutions  exist  is  that  there  is  so  far 
a  common  interest  which  pertains  to  all,  that 
control  can  be  entrusted  to  the  mandate  of  a 
majority  without  injustice  to  any  part. 
Though  the  advocates  of  popular  rule  must 
recognize  the  necessity  of  restrictions  upon 
majorities  and  the  exclusion  from  the  domain 
of  government  of  certain  rights  which  no  indi- 
vidual can  surrender,  they  nevertheless,  can- 
not accept  the  saying  of  Ibsen,  "Minorities 
may  sometimes  be  right,  but  majorities  never." 
In  some  of  the  countries  which  have  been  lib- 
erated from  autocracy  it  will  not  be  easy  to  es- 
tablish a  rule  of  majorities  because  the  popula- 
tion is  of  such  distinct  and  sometimes  antagon- 
istic types.  The  bond  which  has  united  these 
countries  has  been  military  force,  the  prestige 
of  a  dynasty,  or  common  economic  interests. 
The  aim  of  despotic  rulers  has  been  to  bind 
together  discordant  elements,  and  in  accom- 
plishing this  object  efforts  have  been  made  to 
promote  the  adoption  of  a  single  language  and 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          73 

often  to  establish  one  religious  creed.  A  coun- 
try is  fortunate  whose  people  divide  on  poli- 
tical questions  independently  of  racial  or  re- 
ligious divisions  and  unitedly  seek  to  promote 
national  interests  and  the  welfare  of  the  whole 
body  of  citizenship.  Political  divisions  have 
been  aptly  described  as  horizontal  or  vertical. 
The  horizontal  cleavage  is  due  to  age-long 
sources  of  difference,  such  as  those  already 
mentioned,  of  language,  race  or  religion.  In 
these  countries  it  may  be  said  that  the  differ- 
ent elements  in  the  body  politic  are  like  geo- 
logical strata.  On  the  other  hand,  vertical 
divisions  separate  by  a  less  perceptible  line  all 
the  inhabitants  of  a  country.  The  citizens  di- 
vide upon  simple  questions  of  national  policy 
of  general  concern,  and  such  a  degree  of  indi- 
vidual independence  is  afforded  that  the  con- 
stant struggles  for  freedom  of  conscience  and 
inalienable  rights  are  absent.  Our  own  coun- 
try is  fortunate  in  this  regard.  While  the  so- 
called  "melting  pot"  has  not  created  an  entire- 
ly homogeneous  people,  the  spirit  of  equality 
aided  by  the  public  school  system,  by  frequent 


74          Modern  Political  Tendencies 

changes  of  residence,  and  the  ready  mingling  of 
those  of  different  descent  or  traditions,  all  tend 
toward  harmony.  One  rule  that  should  be  in- 
sisted upon  at  the  Peace  Table  is  that  in  the 
countries  in  which  such  bitter  antagonisms  have 
existed  there  should  be  respect  for  the  liberty 
of  the  individual,  and  no  oppression  because  of 
creed  or  race. 

The  tendency  to  a  survival  of  many  objec- 
tionable features  of  a  political  or  social  system 
which  has  been  superseded  or  overthrown  af- 
fords an  interesting  study.  Certain  customs 
are  deeply  imbedded  in  the  habits  of  a  people 
and  are  not  easily  abandoned.  The  outstand- 
ing fact  is  that  progressive  tendencies  which  are 
successful  are  aimed  against  particular  evils 
or  assume  particular  forms  and  are  rarely  com- 
prehensive in  their  nature.  A  revolutionary 
movement  may  be  directed  against  autocratic 
power  or  ecclesiastical  domination  and  succeed 
in  its  main  purpose,  but  many  minor  character- 
istics of  the  former  order  remain  for  a  long 
time  as  excrescences  upon  the  body  politic.  Of 
such  survivals  there  have  been  many  examples, 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          75 

such  as  the  retention  of  property  rights  in 
lands,  exhibiting  traces  of  the  feudal  regime; 
stringent  regulations  in  favor  of  the  landowner 
against  his  tenants,  like  those  remaining  in 
France  since  the  establishment  of  a  republic. 
Forms  of  government  may  change,  but  graft 
and  corruption  still  prevail  in  official  circles. 
One  of  the  most  striking,  and  at  the  same  time, 
most  commendable,  endeavors  of  the  patriotic 
citizens  of  the  Latin  American  Republics  has 
been  the  effort  to  rid  their  country  of  the  dis- 
honest practices  which  have  come  down  to  them 
as  an  inheritance  from  the  days  of  the  Gover- 
nor-General and  his  subordinates.  The  admin- 
istration of  the  ordinary  governmental  activi- 
ties may  still  retain  a  complicated  and  incompe- 
tent bureaucracy.  Injudicious  laws  and  regu- 
lations may  still  be  adopted,  the  only  difference 
being  that  the  source  of  power  has  been  shifted 
from  those  wearing  the  insignia  of  nobility  to 
the  demagogue.  It  is  probable,  but  by  no 
means  certain,  that,  in  view  of  the  unusual 
awakening  incident  to  the  recent  upheaval, 
changes  will  be  more  sweeping  than  in  the  past 


76          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

and  there  will  be  a  prompter  acceptance  of  re- 
forms which  are  universal  in  their  scope. 

In  spite  of  all  the  dangers  which  arise  from 
the  revolutionary  changes  in  recently  liberated 
countries,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  aspirations 
for  liberty  which  have  dwelt  in  the  breasts  of 
these  people  for  centuries  will  prevent  them 
from  abusing  the  privileges  of  freedom,  and 
that  intelligence  and  self-restraint  will  cause 
them  to  recognize  that  a  reign  of  law  and  due 
consideration  for  the  rights  of  others  must  go 
hand  in  hand  with  the  privileges  of  indepen- 
dence. 

The  constant  presence  of  forces  of  reaction, 
the  tendency  to  go  from  one  extreme  to  an- 
other, has  already  become  apparent,  especially 
in  Russia  and  in  efforts  which  have  been  mani- 
fest among  the  Central  Powers.  It  may  be 
confidently  expected  that  no  regime  of  assas- 
sination or  of  class  domination  can  permanent- 
ly endure.  A  sentiment  favoring  liberty,  based 
upon  law  and  justice,  which  abhors  cruelty  and 
class  supremacy,  is  strong  everywhere.  It  is 
a  mighty  force  to  overturn  any  government 


Modern  Political   Tendencies          77 

similar  to  that  now  in  control  of  a  considerable 
part  of  Russia.  Not  only  does  this  sentiment 
have  great  force  in  the  country  involved,  but 
there  is  a  reflected  influence  from  other  coun- 
tries which  is  sure  to  have  its  effect.  Also, 
there  is  among  all  peoples  a  widespread  dispo- 
sition to  place  order  on  the  same  level  with 
liberty,  and  often  the  desire  for  the  former  out- 
weighs aspirations  for  the  latter.  This  fact  ex- 
plains the  despotic  authority  sometimes  exer- 
cised by  rulers  over  peoples  who  naturally 
would  desire  free  institutions.  Of  this  there 
have  been  numerous  illustrations  from  the  time 
of  Pisistratus  of  Athens  to  Porfirio  Diaz  in 
Mexico.  The  French  Revolution  affords  an 
example  in  which  a  Reign  of  Terror  was  over- 
thrown because  more  tranquil  conditions  were 
desired.  Liberty  founded  upon  crime  and 
maintained  by  bloodshed  and  a  denial  of  equal- 
ity cannot  be  regarded  as  genuine. 


78          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

NEW  RELATIONS  OF  GOVERNMENTS  TO  THE 
ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  PEOPLE 

Our  own  country  though  less  seriously  in- 
volved in  the  late  struggle,  may  be  regarded  as 
typical  of  all  in  many  respects,  though  some 
tendencies  will  be  especially  prominent  here. 
One  inevitable  result  of  the  war  will  be  the 
greater  care  and  supervision  of  the  state  with  a 
view  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  individual 
citizen.  Nothing  more  vividly  reveals  the  ma- 
terial as  well  as  the  moral  and  spiritual 
strength  or  weakness  of  a  nation  than  to  be  en- 
gaged in  a  contest  in  which  its  very  existence 
is  at  stake.  Defects  in  physique  to  an  extent 
not  at  all  realized  were  brought  to  light  by  the 
medical  examinations  of  our  soldiers.  It  is  not 
merely  for  victory  in  war,  but  for  national  up- 
building in  peace  that  an  efficient  citizenship  is 
required,  and  thus  the  public  health  is  now  rec- 
ognized as  a  matter  of  the  most  urgent  con- 
cern. In  another  particular  a  serious  situa- 
tion was  disclosed  in  the  United  States.  It  ap- 


Modern  Political   Tendencies          79 

peared  that  great  numbers  of  those  living  here 
were  lacking  in  loyalty  to  this  country  and  still 
retained  a  stronger  attachment  to  the  countries 
from  which  they  came.  Of  these  some  of  the 
most  intelligent  engaged  in  plots  against  our 
vital  interests  and  sought  to  promote  disorder 
and  anarchy,  while  others,  less  intelligent,  were 
entirely  unfamiliar  with  the  nature  and  spirit 
of  American  institutions,  and  thus  became  the 
ready  tools  of  disloyal  leaders.  Others  have 
shown  themselves  to  be  the  foes  of  all  govern- 
ments and  advocates  of  the  destruction  of  ex- 
isting social  organizations.  This  condition  has 
caused  a  rude  awakening  which  should  result 
in  no  revival  of  Know-nothingism  or  crusade 
against  immigrants,  but  a  stern  insistence  that 
disturbers  and  disloyalists  shall  be  rigorously 
excluded,  whether  those  seeking  to  come  here- 
after or  already  here.  A  more  general  educa- 
tion in  the  language  of  the  country  and  the  du- 
ties of  citizenship  is  urgently  required.  The 
demand  for  an  assurance  of  undivided  loyalty 
cannot  stop  with  those  of  foreign  birth  or  de- 
scent, and  there  is  every  indication  that  there 


80          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

will  be  restraints  upon  unlimited  freedom  of 
speech  and  of  action  quite  out  of  keeping  with 
the  easy  tolerance  of  the  past.  The  same  con- 
siderations which  demanded  that  a  loosely 
joined  confederation  of  states  should  give  way 
to  a  united  nation,  now  demand  that  there 
should  be  no  loosely  joined  association  of  citi- 
zens, but  a  united  people. 

The  question  of  the  release  of  the  state  to 
industry  is  assuming  almost  paramount  impor- 
tance. Propositions  pending  look  to  an  exten- 
sion either  of  public  regulation  or  of  public 
ownership.  Since  the  commencement  of  the 
war,  in  August,  1914,  governments  have  taken 
over  railroads,  also  industries  suitable  for  fur- 
nishing military  supplies,  both  of  which  for- 
merly were  under  exclusively  private  owner- 
ship. They  have  also  exercised  control  over 
practically  the  whole  field  of  production  and 
distribution.  These  steps  were  regarded  as  es- 
sential for  the  successful  prosecution  of  the  war. 
It  became  evident  that  it  was  necessary  for  the 
various  governments  to  secure  that  concentra- 
tion of  effort  and  unity  of  control  which  in  pri- 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          81 

vate  hands  had  come  to  be  regarded  as  odious 
under  objectionable  forms  of  monopoly.  It  is 
too  early  to  determine  the  precise  effect  of  such 
enlarged  participation  upon  the  course  to  be 
followed  in  the  future,  but  many  instructive 
lessons  may  be  derived  from  the  events  of  the 
last  few  years.  Increasing  attention  is  now 
given  to  the  question  whether  drastic  statutes 
and  regulations  against  combination  in  indus- 
try are  not  harmful  in  a  time  when  large  scale 
operations  are  so  essential  for  efficiency.  In  the 
matter  of  public  regulation,  a  natural  dividing 
line  has  been  maintained  between  so-called  pub- 
lic utilities  and  the  ordinary  operations  of  in- 
dustry and  commerce.  A  distinction  has  also 
been  observed  between  enterprises  conducted 
by  private  corporations  and  those  under  the 
management  of  individuals  and  partnerships. 
The  right  to  exercise  exceptional  control  over 
corporations  has  been  based  upon  the  fact  that 
their  existence  depends  upon  a  grant  from  the 
state  and  that  government  supervision  is  re- 
quired because  of  the  privileges  which  they  en- 
joy. There  is  a  growing  disposition,  however, 


82          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

to  the  effect  that  these  rules  do  not  sufficiently 
safeguard  the  interests  of  the  public,  and  that 
the  more  comprehensive  principle  should  be 
observed  that  all  the  activities  of  business,  whe- 
ther corporate  or  private,  should  be  so  con- 
ducted as  to  promote  the  general  good.  This 
opinion  has  in  a  measure  received  the  sanction 
of  judicial  decisions  in  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States. 

There  are  numerous  factors  which  promise 
an  increase  of  public  regulation.  The  con- 
stantly widening  ramifications  of  business,  its 
greater  magnitude  and  the  ever  increasing  ex- 
tent of  social  demands,  all  promote  this  ten- 
dency. With  this  increasing  magnitude  of  the 
operations  of  business  and  the  more  pressing 
needs  of  social  life,  opportunities  are  multiplied 
for  practices  altogether  inconsistent  with  pub- 
lic welfare.  To  prevent  these  public  interfer- 
ence is  demanded.  The  problem  of  the  em- 
ployment of  labor  has  become  a  national  one, 
and  private  employment  bureaus  have  not 
proven  sufficient  to  adjust  supply  to  demand. 
The  relations  of  employer  and  employee  in 


Modern  Political  Tendencies         83 

numerous  occupations  present  difficulties  the 
solution  of  which  is  of  far-reaching  importance 
and  affect  every  interest  of  the  country.  Dis- 
agreements upon  labor  conditions  and  wages 
have  threatened  the  maintenance  of  supplies 
of  food  and  the  ordinary  necessaries  of  life. 
Essential  means  of  communication  have  been 
endangered.  To  all  these  problems  the  state 
must  give  most  careful  attention.  But  with 
equal  insistence  the  highest  standards  must  be 
required  of  all  those  who  have  to  do  with  pub- 
lic regulation.  They  must  keep  pace  with  the 
progress  which  is  so  manifest  in  the  new  situa- 
tions which  have  called  them  into  action.  There 
is  an  obvious  danger  that  the  disposition  of 
officials  will  be  colored  by  partiality,  or  by  a 
desire  for  the  advantage  of  political  parties  or 
candidates  for  office.  No  adequate  or  perfect 
adjustment  of  the  relations  of  government  to 
industry  can  foe  secured  until  decisions  are 
solely  based  upon  a  full  appreciation  of  the 
necessity  for  a  just  and  intelligent  solution  of 
the  important  questions  involved. 

At  the  very  forefront  among  questions  to  be 


84          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

settled  is  that  of  the  railroads  of  the  country 
and  of  other  agencies  which  provide  transpor- 
tation. There  can  be  no  better  illustration  of 
tendencies  toward  reactions  in  popular  opinion 
than  in  the  attitude  of  the  public  toward  the 
railways.  In  earlier  years  the  disposition  of 
the  people  was  one  of  marked  partiality  to 
them.  This  was  illustrated  by  numerous  land 
grants  and  subventions  to  railways,  and  the 
granting  of  various  substantial  concessions. 
At  times  these  powerful  aggregations  of  capi- 
tal threatened  to  overshadow  the  state  itself. 
This  attitude  of  the  public  gave  way  to  one  of 
equally  partial  regard  for  shippers  and  later  to 
especial  consideration  for  the  interests  of  rail- 
way employees.  Serious  omissions  in  the  poli- 
cies which  have  been  pursued  are  now  very  gen- 
erally recognized.  Under  a  system  by  which 
the  predominant  influence  in  determining  the 
rates  to  be  charged  by  railroads  has  been  exer- 
cised by  those  who  patronize  them  and  are  in- 
terested in  the  lowest  possible  cost  to  them- 
selves, the  development  of  transportation  fa- 
cilities has  been  seriously  hampered.  Nothing 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          85 

short  of  a  great  emergency  could  have  given 
adequate  proof  of  this  fact,  and  that  emergency 
was  furnished  by  the  demands  of  war.  The 
war  has  also  shown  the  benefit  of  unified  con- 
trol, and  an  idea  which  still  has  a  great  hold 
upon  the  public  thought,  that  sharp  competi- 
tion between  parallel  lines  is  helpful,  will  surely 
give  way  to  new  ideas  of  cooperation.  There 
can  be  little  doubt  but  that  a  more  liberal  pol- 
icy will  be  extended  to  these  corporations  in 
the  way  of  authority  to  increase  charges  for 
freight  and  passenger  traffic.  This  will  not  be 
associated  with  any  relaxation,  but  rather  with 
added  strictness  in  public  regulation. 

As  regards  public  ownership  of  railroads,  it 
must  be  conceded  that  recent  experiments  in 
government  management  have  not  proven  to 
be  satisfactory  in  this  country,  though  it  would 
be  venturesome  to  attempt  to  forecast  how  this 
problem  will  ultimately  be  settled.  There  are 
now  manifest  obstacles  in  the  way,  such  as  the 
lack  of  a  trained  force  of  government  experts 
suitable  for  this  task,  and,  under  present  con- 
ditions, the  confessedly  greater  efficiency  of 


86          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

private  management.  The  experience  of  Ger- 
many and  other  nations  affords  us  no  reliable 
example  in  this  regard.  In  many  of  the  coun- 
tries in  which  there  is  government  ownership 
and  control  of  railways,  military  necessities 
were  a  primary  consideration.  The  employees 
have  been  for  a  long  time  subjected  to  a  sever- 
ity of  discipline  which  would  be  impossible  in 
the  United  States.  Again,  the  disposition  of 
employees  is  altogether  different  from  that 
which  prevails  here.  We  have  not  the  large 
class  of  persons  who  are  willing  to  give  a  life- 
time to  mere  routine  or  to  subordinate  posi- 
tions. The  conviction  is  still  deeply  seated 
in  the  minds  of  the  people  that  it  is  not  by  the 
bureaucracy  of  a  paternal  government,  but  by 
the  free  play  of  individual  initiative  that  the 
country  has  attained  its  splendid  development, 
and  that  no  change  has  occurred  to  justify  any 
radical  departure  from  that  policy.  The  poli- 
tical argument  against  government  ownership 
requires  attention.  If  two  millions  or  more  of 
men  were  given  status  as  government  employ- 
ees their  appeal  for  more  favorable  conditions 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          87 

for  themselves  would  be  constantly  addressed 
to  Congress  and  those  holding  political  posi- 
tions. Their  votes  would  be  earnestly  sought 
by  political  parties  and  officials  entrusted  with 
the  framing  of  laws  and  regulations  relating  to 
railway  management.  The  great  body  of  these 
employees  would  naturally  be  willing  to  break 
away  from  the  usual  political  ties  and  support 
those  parties  or  candidates  who  favored  their 
interests.  This  is  a  probable  result  of  govern- 
ment ownership  which  under  present  conditions 
in  this  country  assumes  very  considerable  im- 
portance. On  the  other  hand,  it  is  strenuously 
argued,  and  that  too  by  many  who  do  not  favor 
public  ownership  as  an  independent  proposi- 
tion, that  the  central  government  is  the  only  or- 
ganization which  has  the  power  and  prestige 
to  stand  in  the  way  of  possible  demands  for  in- 
creased wages  which  are  excessive,  or  against 
discriminating  regulations  and  taxes  imposed 
by  the  states.  It  is  maintained  that  under  pri- 
vate ownership  the  sympathies  of  the  vast  ma- 
jority of  the  people  will  be  unfriendly  to  the 
railway  corporations,  and  thus  they  will  be  un- 


88          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

able  to  perform  their  duties  or  secure  an  ade- 
quate return  upon  capital  invested,  because  the 
public  will  not  submit  to  the  higher  charges 
necessary  to  meet  increasing  costs  of  operation 
and  necessary  improvements  unless  the  added 
amounts  are  paid  into  the  national  treasury. 

Humanitarian  Tendencies.  There  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  there  will  be  a  notable  in- 
crease in  humanitarian  movements  after  the 
war.  The  fearful  crisis  has  called  into  helpful 
activity  vigorous  and  self-denying  efforts  every- 
where, arousing  persons  who  formerly  were 
living  lives  of  personal  indulgence.  We  have 
witnessed  the  patriotic  services  of  millions  of 
soldiers,  enrolled  to  battle  for  the  republic, 
whose  achievements  have  been  characterized  by 
a  spirit  of  sacrifice  and  devotion  and  attended 
by  sorrowful  loss  of  life  and  of  health.  The 
part  played  by  the  armies  in  the  field  has  been 
reinforced  by  similar  manifestation  of  devotion 
from  equal  numbers  outside  of  the  ranks.  These 
services  have  created  a  burning  impression  not 
only  of  the  immeasurable  debt  which  the  coun- 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          89 

try  owes  to  its  citizens,  but  also  of  the  obligation 
which  citizens  owe  to  each  other.  The  state  must 
pay  its  debt,  but  there  remains  an  equal  respon- 
sibility for  the  individual.  This  responsibility 
will  surely  create  a  new  recognition  of  the  de- 
mands of  humanity.  Such  a  disposition  will 
be  greatly  promoted  by  the  events  of  the  war 
which  have  brought  together  under  a  common 
cause  multitudes  of  persons  between  whom  for- 
merly there  existed  a  spirit  of  indifference 
amounting  almost  to  repulsion.  War  destroys 
many  existing  standards  of  social  value.  Old 
distinctions  give  way  to  sentiments  of  equality 
and  a  realization  of  the  rewards  which  are  due 
for  services  rendered.  The  frightful  suffering 
of  multitudes  in  the  wake  of  the  war  in  Eu- 
rope has  caused  an  awakening  which  has  been 
universal  in  its  appeal.  Public  provision  by 
appropriations  from  the  national  treasury  and 
private  subscriptions,  as  for  the  Red  Cross  and 
similar  societies,  have  assumed  a  volume  utter- 
ly unprecedented. 

The  proposed  League  of  Nations  clearly 
manifests  a  far  greater  regard  for  humanitar- 


90          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

ian  ideas  than  have  ever  before  been  included 
in  a  treaty  or  agreement  among  nations.  It 
contains  provisions  looking  to  the  ameliora- 
tion of  the  condition  of  men,  women  and  chil- 
dren engaged  in  labor.  It  adds  to  the  recog- 
nition of  the  Red  Cross  in  prior  treaties,  an 
article  under  which  all  the  member  nations 
"agree  to  encourage  and  promote  the  estab- 
lishment and  cooperation  of  duly  authorized 
voluntary  national  Red  Cross  organizations, 
having  as  purposes  the  improvement  of  health, 
the  prevention  of  disease  and  the  mitigation  of 
suffering  throughout  the  world."  The  cove- 
nant also  contains  an  elaborate  article  impos- 
ing upon  the  more  advanced  countries  duties 
toward  backward  races  and  nations.  All  these 
signs  point  to  progress  in  regard  for  humanity 
quite  as  helpful  as  any  of  the  tendencies  of  the 
times. 

The  National  Spirit.  Pride  in  military 
achievements  and  the  recollection  of  fright- 
ful sufferings  must  stimulate  the  national 
spirit  in  every  country  which  had  part  in 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          91 

the  victory  won.  To  this  will  be  added 
the  gratification  of  a  desire  for  the  indepen- 
dence of  peoples  who  have  for  a  long  time  been 
under  alien  domination.  This  disposition, 
however,  will  be  profoundly  modified  by  the 
results  of  the  war.  There  will  no  longer  exist 
that  admiration  which  was  so  common,  for 
military  autocracies  such  as  that  of  Germany. 
Disturbers  of  peace  will  be  sternly  repressed. 
Preparation  for  possible  war  will  not  be  aban- 
doned, but  the  standing  of  nations  will  depend 
in  far  greater  measure  upon  their  peaceful 
relations  with  the  rest  of  the  world,  their 
growth  in  trade  and  industry  and  the  means 
employed  to  improve  the  domestic  conditions 
of  the  people.  It  is  earnestly  to  be  hoped  that 
the  spirit  of  repulsion  will  disappear  and  that 
of  cooperation  will  increase. 

Centralization.  As  regards  centralization 
there  will  be  two  opposing  tendencies,  one  to 
secure  the  advantages  which  belong  to  larger 
units  under  one  government,  in  which  those 
made  up  of  the  same  race,  as  contemplated  in 


92          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

the  case  of  Serbia  and  adjoining  countries,  will 
seek  to  combine.  A  reorganized  Poland,  made 
up  of  portions  of  Russia,  Germany  and  Aus- 
tria, will  furnish  another  example.  An  oppos- 
ing tendency  will  be  promoted  by  the  desire  for 
relief  from  alien  domination  and  for  indepen- 
dent national  life.  This  will  be  illustrated  by 
a  dismembered  Austria-Hungary  and  Turkey, 
and  probably  by  divers  sections  of  Russia,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  Ukraine  and  other  West- 
ern provinces.  There  is  every  probability  that 
in  the  earlier  reorganization  of  Europe  the  ten- 
dency toward  smaller  units  will  be  more  pro- 
nounced, but  at  a  later  time  the  tendency  to- 
ward centralization  and  larger  units  will  be 
more  prominent,  because  of  the  manifest  ad- 
vantages and  greater  prestige  possessed  by 
larger  countries.  Another  potent  force  for 
centralization  in  the  future  will  be  the  added 
emphasis  placed  upon  the  economic  interdepen- 
dence of  various  wide  areas,  as  in  Russia. 
Trade  and  social  relations  will  both  promote 
combinations  of  smaller  countries.  Whichever 
tendency  may  prevail,  a  quickened  political 


Modern  Political  Tendencies         93 

consciousness  and  the  greater  complexity  in  the 
operations  of  local  governments  are  likely  to 
result  in  an  increased  degree  of  local  auton- 
omy in  the  communities  and  subdivisions  of 
newly  created  nations  and  some  established 
nations  as  well. 


TENDENCIES  TOWARD  REMOVAL  or  INEQUALI- 
TIES IN  CONDITIONS — SOCIALISM 

An  adequate  treatment  of  existing  tenden- 
cies requires  consideration  of  powerful  move- 
ments based  upon  prevalent  ideas  that  glar- 
ing inequalities  exist,  not  merely  as  the  result 
of  privileges  or  rank  in  more  autocratic  coun- 
tries, but  also  because  of  the  unequal  posses- 
sion of  wealth  and  the  means  of  subsistence  in 
all.  Agitations  in  this  regard  are  promoted 
under  all  forms  of  government  and  in  divers 
ways;  by  extreme  violence,  as  under  the  pres- 
ent regime  in  Russia,  which  has  as  its  essence 
class  domination,  to  be  secured,  if  necessary, 
by  unremitting  warfare;  by  slow  and  orderly 


94          Modern  Political   Tendencies 

processes  in  the  exercise  of  the  law-making 
power,  as  in  governments  having  liberal  insti- 
tutions; by  negotiations  between  groups,  as 
between  labor  unions  or  bodies  of  workmen  and 
their  employers,  or  by  strikes;  by  socialistic 
revolutions  that  would  abolish  private  property 
and  vest  in  the  state  control  of  the  means  of 
production.  Last  of  all,  anarchy  must  be  men- 
tioned, with  its  fearful  excesses — a  revolt 
against  settled  conditions  which  seeks  to  de- 
stroy all  prospects  for  an  assured  or  just  ad- 
vancement in  social  conditions  by  its  fright- 
fulness.  The  principles  of  anarchy  as  promul- 
gated by  its  early  advocates  were  strikingly 
mild  in  comparison  with  the  furious  and  de- 
structive spirit  of  those  who  are  now  counted 
as  believers  in  its  maxims.  A  revolution  was 
to  be  accomplished  by  peaceful  methods.  Its 
adherents  proposed  groups  instead  of  govern- 
ments, societies  free  from  the  restraint  of  law 
or  obedience  to  any  political  authority,  and 
maintained  that  social  relations  should  rest  up- 
on voluntary  agreements  concluded  between  in- 
dividuals. They  argued  that  freedom  from 


Modern  Political  Tendencies          95 

submission  to  authority  and  the  absence  of  fear 
of  punishment  would  stimulate  private  initia- 
tive and  give  free  play  to  individual  develop- 
ment. Regarding  government  as  an  evil  which 
imposes  unnecessary  restraint  and  tends  by  its 
regulations  to  create  privilege  and  inequality, 
it  has  become  the  very  antithesis  of  socialism. 
It  abhors  at  the  same  time  state  capitalism  un- 
der the  form  of  socialism,  and  individual  cap- 
italism, as  at  present.  The  present  regime  in 
Russia  cannot  be  classed  as  anarchistic  because 
those  in  control  demand  government  of  the  se- 
verest sort  under  the  supremacy  of  the  prole- 
tariat. 

Legislation  has  already  been  detailed  which 
shows  the  socialistic  trend  of  more  liberal  gov- 
ernments like  Great  Britain,  and  these  move- 
ments have  been  illustrated  by  governmental 
control  during  the  war.  It  is  impossible  to 
ignore  a  body  of  opinion  which  is  so  widespread 
to  the  effect  that  opportunities  in  life  are  so 
unequal  as  to  create  injustice.  We  have  be- 
come, it  is  said,  a  people  like  unto  a  long  pro- 
cession in  which  the  strong  or  the  fortunate  are 


96          Modern  Political  Tendencies 

jostling  the  weak  and  pushing  them  to  the 
wall.  The  question  arises,  what  will  be  the  re- 
sult of  these  experiments  and  of  the  prevalent 
agitation?  Will  the  more  or  less  moderate  in- 
cursions into  socialism  which  have  been  made 
be  limited  to  efforts  to  equalize  the  opportuni- 
ties of  the  people  and  to  secure  greater  efficien- 
cy and  harmony,  or  will  they  mean  an  uphea- 
val and  a  leveling?  Will  more  generous  poli- 
cies be  adopted  in  response  to  the  demands  of  a 
growing  spirit  of  humanitarianism  which  shall 
merely  emphasize  the  care  and  supervision 
which  the  state  may  exercise  for  the  benefit  of 
its  citizens,  or  will  there  be  revolutions?  There 
is  an  almost  infinite  variety  of  views  as  to  what 
socialism  really  means,  and  it  numbers  among 
its  advocates  those  whose  position  in  life  is 
strikingly  in  contrast,  from  dwellers  in  poverty 
who  have  little  hope  of  better  conditions,  to  the 
so-called  millionaire  parlor  socialists,  to  whom 
it  is  a  pleasing  cult,  though  sometimes  superfi- 
cially considered,  and  is  not  inconsistent  with 
the  very  persistent  retention  of  what  posses- 
sions they  themselves  have.  Mr.  Bernard 


Modern  Political  Tendencies         97 

Shaw  has  defined  socialism  as  a  state  of  society 
in  which  the  income  of  the  country  shall  be  di- 
vided equally  among  the  inhabitants  without 
regard  to  their  character,  their  industry,  or  any 
other  consideration  except  the  fact  that  they 
are  human  beings.  This  is  probably  the  strong- 
est definition  that  is  given  by  any  one,  except, 
perhaps,  those  who  favor  a  condition  of  abso- 
lute destruction.  Such  a  rule  of  society  would 
enshrine  the  lazy  man,  it  would  mean  that  the 
convict  who  has  just  been  released  from  the 
penitentiary  should  be  placed  on  the  same  foot- 
ing with  one  who  has  sought  to  perform  his 
duties  to  society.  It  is  not  probable  that  a 
time  will  come  when  earnestness  of  purpose 
and  a  natural  ambition  for  personal  adance- 
ment  will  not  have  their  fair  reward,  because 
any  political  community  would  face  disaster  in 
which  the  majority  of  its  citizens  were  not 
actuated  by  the  conviction  that  industry  and 
thrift  are  necessary  qualities.  No  nation  can 
fulfill  its  destiny  except  its  citizens  are  disposed 
to  make  such  utilization  of  their  energies  as  to 
add  to  the  material  resources  and  the  strength 


98          Modern  Political  Tendencies 

of  the  state.  The  ability  to  devise  methods  for 
enlarged  operations  of  the  state,  which  serve 
humanity  and  promote  equality  without  repres- 
sion of  wholesome  efforts  for  increased  effi- 
ciency, will  be  one  of  the  tests  of  democra- 
cy in  the  future.  The  people  of  this  coun- 
try should  all  alike  be  willing  to  bear  the  bur- 
den of  any  rational  means  for  the  improvement 
of  our  citizenship,  and  for  raising  the  general 
standard  of  manhood  and  womanhood,  how- 
ever much  this  may  mean  additional  payments 
to  the  tax  gatherer.  Mention  has  already  been 
made  of  taxation  for  a  recent  class  of  expendi- 
ture which  has  been  adopted  in  many  commun- 
ities with  effects  which  are  certainly  helpful, 
namely,  the  establishment  of  parks  and  play- 
grounds for  larger  opportunities  for  amuse- 
ment and  recreation  by  all  classes,  with  a  spe- 
cial view  to  aiding  those  in  humble  circum- 
stances. The  scope  of  such  enterprises  will,  no 
doubt,  include  more  considerate  attention  to 
methods  already  partially  adopted,  such  as 
supervision  of  the  health  of  children  in  schools, 
occasional  furnishing  of  meals  for  pupils  who 


Modern  Political  Tendencies         99 

are  indigent,  public  employment  agencies,  en- 
larged educational  facilities,  more  efficient 
training  in  manual  and  trade  schools,  and  pen- 
sions for  widows,  perhaps  old  age  pensions  as 
well.  Other  provisions  will,  no  doubt,  suggest 
themselves.  Any  burden  of  taxation  or  any 
sacrifice  which  the  individual  is  called  upon  to 
make  for  his  country's  sake  or  for  the  advance- 
ment of  humanity  in  a  sane  and  rational  man- 
ner, is  not  likely  to  arouse  any  vigorous  oppo- 
sition from  the  great  mass  of  the  American 
people,  and  it  is  probable  that  these  questions 
will  be  settled  more  wisely  and  more  humanely 
here  than  in  some  other  countries.  On  the  other 
hand,  any  policy  which  penalizes  the  commen- 
dable ambition  for  achievement  or  imposes  un- 
necessary taxes  with  crushing  weight  upon 
those  who  toil  with  hand  or  brain  and  are  suc- 
cessful, will  surely  be  rejected  with  prompt- 
ness and  vigor  by  the  American  people.  The 
injudicious  methods  of  benevolence  which 
tend  to  make  permanent  dependents  of  the  un- 
fortunate are  especially  to  be  shunned. 


100        Modern  Political  Tendencies 

INCREASING  TAXES  AND  THEIR  UTILIZATION 
FOR  THE  EQUALIZATION  OF  CONDITIONS 

Will  the  greater  burden  of  taxation  made 
necessary  by  the  larger  scope  of  national,  state 
and  municipal  activities  promote  the  desire  for 
the  equalization  of  social  conditions?  Progres- 
sively expanding  taxes  which  were  very  much 
in  evidence  prior  to  the  war  will  be  immensely 
increased  by  the  colossal  burden  of  public  debts 
incurred  during  the  recent  struggle.  These 
debts  must  have  far-reaching  effects  not  mere- 
ly upon  the  economic  situation  but  upon  politi- 
cal and  social  conditions  as  well.  National  in- 
debtedness incurred  in  some  countries  engaged 
in  the  contest  has  equalled,  and  in  one  or  two 
instances  possibly  surpassed,  one-half  of  the 
estimated  total  of  all  their  wealth.  The  enor- 
mous expenses  of  war  have  imposed  very  ser- 
ious handicaps  upon  the  life  of  nations  in  the 
past.  As  an  illustration  of  their  cost  it  may 
be  said  that  in  our  own  country  the  expenses 
of  the  four  years  of  Civil  War  from  1861  to 


Modern  Political  Tendencies        101 

1865  were  nearly  twice  as  great  as  the  total  ex- 
penses of  the  Federal  Government  for  the 
seventy-two  years  from  Washington's  inagu- 
ration  to  the  year  1861.  It  is  also  likely  that 
the  cost  of  our  participation  in  this  struggle, 
including  loans  to  our  allies,  will  equal  the  to- 
tal cost  of  federal  expenditures  from  1789  to 
1917.  These  enormous  debts  will  require  not 
only  an  increase  of  existing  levies,  but  new 
methods  of  taxation. 

It  has  been  the  frankly  avowed  object  of 
those  who  have  framed  revenue  bills,  not  mere- 
ly to  raise  money,  but  to  diminish  great  accu- 
mulations of  private  wealth.  It  is  possible  that 
in  some  countries  there  will  be  levies,  not  mere- 
ly of  ordinary  taxes  unprecedented  in  amount, 
but  upon  accumulated  capital  as  well.  Not 
very  long  ago  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer 
virtually  made  the  concession  that  part  of  the 
national  debt  of  Great  Britain  might  be  paid 
by  impositions  upon  the  holdings  of  private 
property.  Such  a  course  has  been  demanded 
in  conventions  of  the  so-called  Labor  Party. 
Some  time  before  this  statement  was  made, 


102         Modern  Political  Tendencies 

Premier  Lloyd  George  declared  his  desire  to 
break  up  the  great  landed  estates  in  England. 
One  of  the  most  notable  tendencies  in  recent 
years  has  been  the  adoption  of  taxation  provid- 
ing progressive  or  increasing  rates  upon  larger 
incomes  and  larger  profits — so-called  graded 
taxation.  This  method,  strange  as  it  may  ap- 
pear, is  of  comparatively  recent  origin.  It  was 
adopted  in  Italy  in  1864,  and  in  Austria  in 
1898.  In  the  case  of  incomes  the  former  meth- 
od in  English  speaking  countries  was  to  im- 
pose a  uniform  or  flat  rate,  irrespective  of  the 
amount.  The  most  notable  innovations  on  the 
rule  of  uniformity  were  made  in  several  of  the 
English  colonies.  The  first  income  tax  law  en- 
acted in  the  United  States  during  the  Civil 
War  imposed  uniform  rates  upon  all  incomes. 
A  later  Act  in  1864,  provided  a  rate  of  3  per 
cent  on  amounts  below  $10,000,  and  5  per  cent 
above  that  sum.  The  proposed  income  tax  of 
1894,  which  was  declared  invalid  by  the  Su- 
preme Court,  made  no  distinction  according  to 
amount.  The  Act  of  1913,  the  beginning  or 
basis  of  the  present  income  tax  law,  adopted 


Modern  Political   Tendencies        103 

after  ratification  of  a  constitutional  amend- 
ment authorizing  income  taxes,  as  passed  by 
the  House  of  Representatives  and  as  presented 
in  the  Senate  by  the  Finance  Committee  of  that 
body,  made  no  distinction,  but  in  the  considera- 
tion on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  an  amendment 
was  adopted  providing  for  gradation,  and 
this  was  accepted  in  the  bill  as  it  became  a  law. 
The  Revenue  Act  imposing  taxes  upon  incomes 
accruing  during  the  year  1918,  fixed  a  so-called 
normal  rate  of  6  per  cent  on  the  first  four  thou- 
sand of  incomes  after  allowing  for  exemptions 
and  deductions,  and  one  of  12  per  cent  on  the 
amount  of  incomes  in  excess  of  that  amount. 
To  this  was  added  a  surtax  rising  from  1  per 
cent  on  amounts  between  $5,000  and  $6,000,  to 
65  per  cent  on  incomes  exceeding  one  million, 
showing  a  variation  in  the  aggregate  of  nor- 
mal and  surtaxes  from  6  per  cent  on  smaller 
incomes  to  77  per  cent  on  the  largest.  Until 
1909  income  tax  rates  in  England  were  equal- 
ly proportioned,  with  no  difference  between 
large  and  small  incomes.  At  that  time  graded 
taxes  were  established  and  there  was  discrimin- 


104        Modern  Political   Tendencies 

ation  between  incomes  earned  by  personal  ser- 
vice and  those  derived  from  investments. 

In  the  Revenue  Act  of  the  United  States 
last  referred  to,  there  is  also  a  provision  for 
gradation  in  inheritance  taxes.  After  certain 
exemptions  a  levy  is  made  of  1  per  cent  on  net 
amounts  transmitted  not  in  excess  of  fifty 
thousand  dollars,  and  this  is  gradually  in- 
creased to  25  per  cent  on  the  amount  by  which 
the  net  estate  exceeds  ten  millions.  Gradu- 
ated taxes  upon  the  earnings  of  corporations 
in  the  form  of  so-called  war  profits  and  excess 
profits  taxes  have  also  been  imposed.  In  the 
discussions  of  questions  of  federal  taxation, 
levies  upon  the  amounts  of  ordinary  sales  have 
been  proposed,  but  have  not  been  favorably 
considered.  These  would  lack  the  element  of 
gradation  contained  in  income  and  excess 
profits  taxes  and  would  rest  upon  all  with  equal 
weight  according  to  consumption.  A  so-called 
semi-luxury  tax  imposed  on  the  sale  of  certain 
articles  of  luxury  or  of  larger  cost,  has  been 
vigorously  opposed,  and  propositions  have  been 
made  for  its  repeal.  Such  a  tax  in  its  general 


Modern  Political  Tendencies        105 

principles  is  of  a  class  similar  to  the  graded 
taxes  referred  to. 

Similar  tendencies  appear,  though  less  prom- 
inently, in  discriminating  taxes  upon  land 
values.  In  Great  Britain  a  valuation  of  landed 
property  was  made  in  the  year  1910,  accom- 
panied by  a  provision  that  on  the  death  of  the 
owner  or  sale  by  him  at  a  later  time,  twenty 
per  cent  of  the  increased  value  should  go  to 
the  state.  This  gives  to  the  state  a  part  of  the 
so-called  "unearned  increment."  An  Act  in 
New  Zealand  provides  that  all  owners  of  agri- 
cultural land  worth  more  than  forty  thousand 
pounds  must  pay  a  supertax  of  twenty-five 
per  cent.  There  is  also  a  provision  in  the  latter 
country  for  increased  taxation  upon  an  owner 
who  continues  to  be  absent  beyond  a  certain 
limited  time.  The  agitation  for  the  so-called 
single  tax  imposing  all  the  public  burdens  upon 
land  values,  also  has  a  very  considerable  num- 
ber of  advocates. 

In  this  connection  it  may  be  stated  that  there 
is  much  confusion  created  by  cumulative  taxes 
on  incomes  and  inheritances  levied  at  the  same 


106        Modern  Political   Tendencies 

time  by  states  as  well  as  by  the  federal  govern- 
ment. There  are  strong  arguments  for  a  di- 
viding line  between  state  and  national  taxation 
which  would  leave  income  and  excess  profits 
taxes  to  the  federal  government  and  give  to 
the  state  the  exclusive  right  to  impose  taxes 
upon  inheritances.  To  this  division,  however, 
there  is  one  practical  obstacle  in  that  the  states 
have  adopted  an  infinite  variety  of  inheritance 
taxes. 

The  effect  upon  industry  as  well  as  upon  so- 
cial conditions,  of  the  methods  of  taxation 
adopted  to  provide  greatly  increased  revenues, 
is  sure  to  arouse  extended  discussion  in  the  fu-* 
ture.  It  has  been  vigorously  maintained  that 
the  present  income  taxes,  joined  with  war  and 
excess  profit  taxes,  create  a  serious  handicap 
upon  industry.  It  is  argued  that  for  the  most 
satisfactory  development  of  the  country  it  is 
requisite  that  there  be  an  expectation  of  large 
rewards  in  business  ventures  and  that  new 
enterprises  which  would  be  useful  to  the  peo- 
ple are  discouraged  by  existing  laws.  It  is 
said  that,  if  in  any  investment  large  profits  are 


Modern  Political  Tendencies        107 

promised  there  is  naturally  a  commensurately 
greater  risk,  and  should  the  government  in  the 
exercise  of  the  taxing  power  take  an  unusual 
share  of  the  earnings  obtained  in  the  most 
profitable  undertakings,  the  initiative  and 
energy  which  promote  prosperity  will  be  dis- 
couraged. This  question  of  affording  encour- 
agement for  large  profits  raises  an  issue  which 
is  fundamental  in  its  nature,  that  is,  whether 
it  is  altogether  wholesome  for  a  people  to  en- 
gage in  so  many  enterprises  of  a  speculative 
nature,  or  foster  the  absorbing  desire  for  un- 
limited accumulations  which  is  quickened  rath- 
er than  repressed  by  every  success  in  money 
making.  Would  not  the  spirit  of  sharp  compe- 
tition which  is  sometimes  so  hurtful,  be  dimin- 
ished with  diminishing  chances  for  profit  and 
other  qualities  be  developed  quite  as  valuable 
to  the  people  as  the  unsurpassed  material  de- 
velopment which  has  been  so  prominent  in  the 
past? 

It  should  be  distinctly  understood  that  the 
large  taxes  imposed  upon  incomes  and  profits 
which  reach  high  figures  are  not  exclusively 


108        Modern  Political  Tendencies 

borne  in  the  last  analysis  by  those  who  pay 
them.  The  principle  of  the  diffusion  of  the 
burden  of  taxation  among  all  consumers  was 
accepted  by  some  economists  of  prominence 
as  an  axiom.  As  a  statement  of  a  general 
fact,  this  is  only  partly  correct,  but  clearly  if 
the  returns  upon  investments  of  the  creditor 
or  the  landowner  are  heavily  taxed,  rates  of 
interest  to  the  creditor  and  of  rent  to  the  ten- 
ant are  naturally  raised  and  the  burden  im- 
posed upon  industry  is  passed  on  to  the  con- 
sumer. It  is  needless  to  say  that  these  greatly 
increased  taxes  are  and  will  continue  to  be  a 
prominent  factor  in  the  high  cost  of  living. 

There  is  no  prospect  of  the  abandonment  of 
heavy  rates  of  taxation  or  of  the  principle  of 
gradation.  The  demands  for  a  larger  national 
life  and  for  enlarged  facilities  and  conveniences, 
as  in  the  development  of  cities  and  the  making 
of  so-called  good  roads,  will  necessitate  a  con- 
tinuance of  burdensome  levies  after  the 
amounts  required  for  the  payment  of  the  inter- 
est and  principal  of  government  debts  shall 
have  been  substantially  diminished. 


Modern  Political  Tendencies        109 

THE  RESULT  OF  WAR  UPON  POLITICAL  TEN- 
DENCIES IN  THE  UNITED  STATES 

It  is  perfectly  evident  that  the  late  contest 
will  exert  an  exceptional  influence  upon  poli- 
tical and  social  movements  in  the  United 
States.  This  will  apply  to  affairs  both  inter- 
national and  domestic. 

The  peculiar  isolation  which  has  been  a  dis- 
tinctive feature  of  our  national  life  from  the 
beginning,  has  disappeared.  It  is  indeed  true, 
that  the  period  of  exclusiveness  is  past,  and 
this  applies  not  merely  to  trade  relations  but 
to  political  relations  also.  Whatever  happens  in 
the  remotest  part  of  the  globe  is  now  of  the 
most  substantial  interest  to  us.  Prior  to  the 
war  the  absence  of  any  threat  of  invasion  and 
our  detachment  from  the  rivalries  of  nations 
of  the  old  world  has  kept  us  out  of  their  al- 
liances and  controversies.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
that  this  situation  will  not  be  entirely  changed, 
but  a  new  condition  was  created  by  our  parti- 
cipation in  the  war,  and  a  realization  that  op- 


110        Modern  Political  Tendencies 

posing  ideas  of  autocracy  and  democracy  must 
have  a  vital  effect  upon  our  own  policies  and 
that  we  must  share  in  their  settlement.  There 
will  be  a  constant  appreciation  of  the  larger 
part  which  America  must  take  in  the  affairs 
of  the  world. 

In  domestic  affairs  it  is  impossible  to  over- 
look the  awakening  of  the  whole  population, 
the  effects  of  which  cannot  be  swallowed  up  by 
the  force  of  established  ideas  and  methods  ex- 
isting prior  to  1914.  Certain  essentials  not  to 
be  shaken  must  remain,  but  we  shall  abandon 
many  cherished  ideas  of  the  past.  There  will 
be  a  far  wider  outlook  and  greater  readiness 
to  grapple  with  new  problems  and  settle  them 
according  to  the  changed  conditions  which 
have  arisen.  The  duties  of  classes  to  each 
other,  and  the  claims  of  humanity  have  a  new 
meaning.  The  influence  of  the  returning  sol- 
diers and  sailors  will  have  a  marked  effect  upon 
political  conditions.  The  number  mustered 
into  service,  about  half  of  whom  went  over 
seas,  exceeds  four  millions.  Already  organi- 
zations are  forming  to  perpetuate  their  influ- 


Modern  Political  Tendencies        111 

ence.     The  general  effect  of  these  organiza- 
tions will  be  in  the  direction  of  equality  and  a 
more  democratic  spirit,  at  least  if  we  can  judge 
from  manifestations  already  in  evidence.    The} 
ever  perplexing  problem  of  the  relations  be- 
tween capital  and  labor,  between  employer  and 
employee,  has  assumed  increased  importance. 
Those  on  the  two  sides  have  often  seemed  to 
be  gathered  in  antagonistic  camps.     While 
numerous  civic  organizations  have  been  formed 
and  meetings  have  been  held  in  which  there 
have  been  loud  protestations  of  a  common  in- 
terest and  of  a  desire  to  act  in  cooperation, 
nevertheless,  the  essential  difficulties  of  the 
problem  have  been  very  generally  overlooked. 
These    difficulties    are    intense    individualism 
manifested  by  both  and  a  desire  for  personal 
advancement  in  which  the  rights  of  each  have 
been  only  partially  recognized  by  the  other. 
No    altruistic    spirit    can    be    expected    to 
be  the  controlling  factor,  but  there  is  first  a 
necessity  for  a  more  intelligent  understanding 
of  facts.     What  are  the  increases  in  wages 
which  are  justified  by  the  added  cost  of  living? 


112        Modern  Political  Tendencies 

What  larger  share  of  the  product  should  be- 
long to  labor?    How  can  provision  be  made 
for  seasons  in  which  enterprises  are  conducted 
unprofitably  or  at  a  loss?    To  this  should  be 
added  a  greater  degree  of  fairness  and  regard 
for  each  other  in  which  it  is  necessary  that  a 
common  interest  should  have  paramount  con- 
sideration.   Fundamental  economic  facts  must 
obtain  recognition.     It  must  be  understood 
that  the  chief  factor  in  the  wages  of  labor  is 
the  volume  and  quality  of  production,  that  any 
movement  or  plan  for  limiting  product  must 
be  injurious  rather  than  helpful,  and  that  spe- 
cial privileges  or  wages  on  an  exceptional  scale 
for  any  particular  group  of  laborers  must  in 
the  long  run  diminish  the  opportunities  of  the 
rest.    On  the  other  hand,  there  is  necessity  for 
an  awakening  among  employers  to  the  fact 
that  those  in  their  employ  have  aspirations  as 
well  as  rights,  quite  as  important  as  their  own, 
that  their  very  living  depends  upon  the  prose- 
cution of  the  enterprises  in  which  they  are  em- 
ployed, and  that  an  exclusion  of  workmen  from 
the  tasks  in  which  they  are  engaged  means 


Modern  Political  Tendencies        113 

much  more  to  them  than  it  does  to  the  em- 
ployer. There  is  every  indication  that  the  fa- 
vored position  of  labor  which  has  been  made 
an  established  policy  in  this  country  can  be 
more  readily  continued  in  the  future.  The 
more  pressing  burden  of  taxation  in  many 
other  countries,  the  diminished  number  of 
workers  available  in  Europe,  the  destruction 
of  plant  and  equipment  over  wide  areas,  will 
all  tend  to  increase  labor  costs  there,  and  thus 
render  substantially  easier  the  maintenance  of 
high  wages  in  the  United  States. 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  OUTLOOK 

In  international  relations,  a  question  which 
presents  itself  at  the  very  outset  is  whether  im- 
perialistic ambitions  for  expansion  of  terri- 
tory will  cease.  It  is  hardly  probable  that  they 
will,  but  the  opportunity  for  their  gratification 
will,  no  doubt,  be  very  much  diminished.  Four 
imperialistic  governments  of  autocratic  form 
have  been  overthrown,  those  of  Russia,  Ger- 


114        Modern  Political  Tendencies 

many,  Austria-Hungary  and  Turkey.  It 
would  seem  to  be  impossible  that  even  the  re- 
action which  manifests  itself  after  extremes 
of  popular  control  and  the  excesses  which  some- 
times attend  them,  could  be  sufficient  to  restore 
dynasties  similar  to  those  which  existed  in  these 
countries  prior  to  the  war.  There  is  an  effort 
for  a  League  of  Nations,  the  aim  of  which  is 
to  secure  the  peace  of  the  world  and  coopera- 
tion among  nations.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  this 
may  succeed,  however  imperfect  it  may  be  in 
its  original  form.  It  is  most  desirable  that 
steps  be  taken  now  to  secure  such  results  when 
the  recollections  of  suffering  and  destruction 
are  so  vivid.  It  will  be  necessary  for  every 
country  to  abate  in  some  degree  its  claims  for 
sovereignty  and  independence,  as  common 
good  and  friendly  relations  are  objects  more 
valuable  than  the  assertion  of  ambitious  na- 
tional aims.  Every  step  which  looks  in  this 
direction  should  awaken  special  interest  in  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  because  this  coun- 
try has  by  presidents  and  Acts  of  Congress  re- 
peatedly asserted  our  desire  for  a  peaceful  set- 


Modern  Political  Tendencies        115 

tlement  of  controversies  betwen  nations,  and 
we  must  occupy  in  the  future  a  position  of  in- 
fluence in  securing  such  aims  far  surpassing 
that  of  the  past. 

There  is  one  result  which  would  seem  to  be 
definitely  assured  by  the  war,  and  that  is  the 
denial  of  the  supremacy  of  might  in  the  rela- 
tions between  nations  and  a  new  respect  for 
smaller  countries.  So  long  ago  as  the  year 
1825,  Chief  Justice  Marshall  said  in  a  deci- 
sion, "No  principle  of  general  law  is  more  uni- 
versally acknowledged  than  the  perfect  equal- 
ity of  nations.  Russia  and  Geneva  have  equal 
rights."  This  may  be  regarded  as  a  principle 
in  our  diplomacy  maintained  from  the  begin- 
ning. Not  only  is  there  an  almost  universal 
demand  for  a  rule  of  justice  and  order,  but  the 
recollection  of  the  frightful  suffering  of  small- 
£r  countries  like  Belgium,  Serbia  and  Poland, 
has  left  a  lasting  impression.  No  one  will 
hereafter  assert,  as  did  Treitschke,  perhaps  the 
fliost  influential  leader  of  thought  in  Germany, 
that  the  country  which  relies  upon  justice 
places  itself  in  a  ridiculous  position. 


116        Modern  Political  Tendencies 

One  of  the  most  radical  phases  of  ameliora- 
tion which  the  future  promises  is  a  revolution- 
ary change  in  the  position  of  the  less  civilized 
or  backward  peoples.  From  time  immemorial 
these  have  been  the  prey  of  the  stronger,  and 
contemporaneously  with  wars  which  have  arisen 
because  of  disagreements  due  to  close  contact 
there  have  been  almost  constant  quarrels  be- 
tween the  more  advanced  nations  over  the  ac- 
quisition of  colonies  in  the  outlying  portions  of 
the  earth.  The  desire  to  avoid  the  recurrence 
of  friction  arising  from  these  controversies  led 
to  a  partial  rapprochement  among  the  leading 
powers  of  Europe  within  the  last  century,  un- 
der which  they  sought  to  divide  regions  in  Afri- 
ca and  Asia  by  amicable  adjustment  by  which 
each  country  was  to  receive  its  share  of  the  spoil. 
At  one  time  Russia  seemed  likely  to  subject  to 
its  dominion  a  large  share  of  Asia,  in  the  acqui- 
sition of  which  that  country  had  a  marked  ad- 
vantage because  of  contiguity.  These  colonies 
originally  were  exploited  exclusively  for  the 
benefit  of  their  owners  with  very  slight  regard 
for  the  welfare  of  their  inhabitants.  A  change 


Modern  Political  Tendencies        117 

in  the  policy  was  first  initiated  by  England  un- 
der which  special  attention  was  given  to  the 
local  interests  and  rights  of  her  subject  posses- 
sions, and  beginning  with  Canada  local  auton- 
omy was  granted  to  several  countries  extend- 
ing even  to  the  matter  of  tariffs. 

Now  the  old  order  is  passing.  The  term  do- 
minions is  beginning  to  be  substituted  for  that 
of  colonies  in  the  British  Empire,  and  some  of 
them  are  to  be  separately  represented  in  the 
proposed  League  of  Nations.  Further  ex- 
ploitation has  been  checked.  Under  the  terms 
of  the  Treaty  of  Paris  oppressed  and  neg- 
lected peoples  are  to  receive  the  fostering  care 
of  the  more  civilized  nations.  The  influence 
of  this  change  upon  their  development  can 
hardly  be  exaggerated.  It  means  a  new  order 
which  promises  the  gradual  disappearance  of 
the  striking  inequalities  between  the  different 
divisions  of  the  human  race.  The  effects  of 
changed  relations  are  sure  to  extend  as  well  to 
countries  occupying  an  intermediate  position 
between  those  of  the  highest  and  lowest  civili- 
zations. 


118        Modern  Political  Tendencies 

For  assured  results  the  development  of  In- 
ternational Law  and  its  universal  application 
are  essential,  also  its  enforcement  by  a  Court 
established  to  decide  such  controversies  as  may 
arise.  It  will  be  necessary  that  the  opinions 
of  jurists  and  the  provisions  of  various  treaties 
be  codified  and  such  additions  made  as  re- 
quired to  meet  the  demands  of  a  new  era.  This 
is  no  chimerical  fancy,  but  is  responsive  to  the 
aspirations  which  have  been  created  by  the  war. 

In  conclusion  it  must  be  said  that  it  is  not 
easy  to  forecast  the  comparative  development 
of  numerous  tendencies  which  will  assume 
especial  prominence  in  the  future.  Much  will 
depend  on  the  terms  of  peace  agreed  upon  at 
Paris,  and  the  adoption  or  rejection  of  the  pro- 
posed plan  for  a  League  of  Nations.  It  is, 
however,  certain  that  radical  changes  will  be 
accomplished  which  would  have  been  impos- 
sible before. 

There  are  no  reasons  for  pessimism.  There 
are  transcendent  possibilities  in  the  newly 
aroused  conceptions  of  an  awakened  and  suf- 
fering world.  It  is  especially  a  time  when  no 


Modern  Political  Tendencies        119 

restricted  outlook  or  narrow  vision  will  answer. 
It  will  be  necessary  to  grasp  world  problems. 
The  word  future  has  a  greater  significance 
than  ever.  Political  tendencies  may  seem  to 
move  in  wrong  directions,  and  experiments  will 
be  tried  which  experience  will  show  must  be 
abandoned.  Nevertheless,  there  is  ground  for 
the  strongest  assurance  that  though  peoples 
may  sometimes  go  astray  they  will  ultimately 
be  right.  Thus,  notwithstanding  the  clash  of 
ideas  and  interests  which  seem  to  threaten  the 
stability  of  states  and  the  maintenance  of  or- 
der and  peace,  we  may  yet  have  added  faith 
in  the  years  to  come,  and  an  inspiring  confi- 
dence in  human  destiny. 


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